scholarly journals PRIVATE ISSUES IN PESAT IN LATE COLONIAL JAVA

2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mutiah Amini

<p>Pesat was a local newspaper in Semarang published in the 1940s during the late colonial era. The establishment of Pesat could not be separated from the couple of I.M. Sajoeti and S.K. Trimurti, the owners of the newspaper, who were best-known as activitists of Political Party and senior journalists in Semarang at that time. As a local newspaper, the content of this publication differed considerably from the other local newspaper which mostly focused on news and advertisements. Pesat continuously published some information that had not been addressed by the media anywhere before. Pesat published transparently on the problems of family life and household. In particular, Pesat pointed the problems of marriage which placed women in domestic area in which they were not permitted to speak about the problems they were facing to other people in the public domain. This meant that a matter concerning the life of household which was previously considered private space was now published as news available to newspaper readers.</p> <p>Keywords: Pesat, private, colonial, Semarang, Java.</p> <p> </p> <p>Pesat adalah sebuah koran lokal di Semarang yang diterbitkan pada 1940-an selama era kolonial akhir. Pembentukan Pesat tak lepas dari pasangan IM Sajoeti dan SK Trimurti, pemilik surat kabar, yang dikenal sebagai aktifis Partai Politik dan wartawan senior di Semarang pada waktu itu. Sebagai koran lokal, isi dari publikasi ini berbeda jauh dari koran lokal lainnya yang berfokus pada berita dan iklan. Pesat terus menerbitkan beberapa informasi yang belum ditangani oleh media manapun sebelumnya. Dalam publikasi mereka, Pesat dipublikasikan secara transparan pada kehidupan masalah keluarga dalam rumah tangga. Secara khusus, diangkat masalah seputar pernikahan yang menempatkan perempuan dalam ruang domestik dan perempuan tidak diperbolehkan untuk berbicara tentang masalah yang mereka hadapi kepada orang lain dalam domain publik. Ini berarti bahwa masalah yang berkenaan dengan kehidupan rumah tangga yang sebelumnya dianggap ruang pribadi yang ada di luar keluarga diizinkan untuk tahu tentang itu sekarang telah diterbitkan sebagai berita tersedia bagi pembaca surat kabar.</p> <p>Kata kunci: Pesat, pribadi, kolonial, Semarang, Jawa.</p> <p> </p>

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Neri Widya Ramailis ◽  
Dede Nopendri

Discourse is a series of sentences that relate and connect one proposition with the other propositions to from a unity. The main function of the news is not to warn, instruct, and make the public stunned, the main function of the news is to inform and then it is upto the public to utilize the news. There are two ways for the news to be useful to the public, the first to effort news as general knowledge and the second to effort the news a tool of social control. E-Ktp corruption cases are one of the biggest corruption cases that occurered in Indonesia. Therefore, many mass media reported heavilly on E-Ktp corruption cases, one of which was the kompas.com. furthermore, to find out how the writer gets the source the writer gets the source of data and information the writer uses the criminology visual method and then analyzes it using criminology newsmaking theory. However, the results of this study illustrate that the aspect highlighted are those of actors suspected of being involved in E-Ktp corruption cases. Where the media only emphasizes one institution, namely the people’s representative council, even though in this case the involved parties are not only the legislature but case the involved parties are not only the legislature but also from various institutions such as the interior ministry, state-owned enterprises, and private entrepreneurs. In the aspect of media projection Kompas.com make the bulk of the news about E- Ktp corruption cases as news headline and a tranding topic.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 252
Author(s):  
Philip Cass

Review of: Politics and the Media, edited by Babak Bahador, Geoff Kemp, Kate McMillan and Chris Rudd. Auckland: Pearson, 2013. ISBN 978144255826A generaton after the capitalist roaders took over the New Zealand Labour Party, the country’s political landscape is bleak. As described in this new book, it is one in which no political party is interested in any ideology except staying in power, no party will do anything that might offend a focus group, PR hacks control policy, political party membership has all but disappeared, the public is almost totally disengaged and most of the media has neither the time, the skill nor the inclination to cover politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-221
Author(s):  
Wardah Nuroniyah

Hijab (veil) for female Muslims has been subject to a debate regarding its meanings. On the one hand, it represents the virtue of religious obedience and piety. Still, on the other hand, it is associated with the form of women oppressions in the public domain. At this point, the hijab has been an arena of contesting interpretations. Meanwhile, contemporary Indonesia is witnessing the increase in the use of veil among urban female Muslims that leads to the birth of various hijab wearer communities. One of them is Tuneeca Lover Community (TLC). This community has become a new sphere where female Muslims articulate their ideas about Islam through various activities such as religious gathering, hijab tutorial class, fashion show, and charity activities. This study seeks to answer several questions: Why do these women decide to wear a hijab? Why do they join the TLC? How do they perceive the veil? Is it related to religious doctrines or other factors such as lifestyle? This research employs a qualitative method using documentation and interview to gather the data among 150 members of the TLC.  This research shows that their understanding of the hijab results from the common perception that places the veil as a religious obligation. Nevertheless, each of the members has one's orientation over the hijab. This paper also suggests that they try to transform this understanding into modern settings. As a consequence, they are not only committed to the traditionally spiritual meaning of the hijab but are also nuanced with modern ideas such as lifestyle and particular social class. Their participation in the TLC enables them to reach both goals simultaneously.


Author(s):  
Justin Patch

The musical elements of political advertising change with the times. From songsters, contrafactum songs with lyrics that extoll one candidate or party and denigrate the other, to television and radio jingles and online ads, the aesthetics of the campaign mirror the media diet of the public. Early television ads imitated jingles of the day: They were simple, catchy, and repetitive. Both Eisenhower’s “Ike for President” and Kennedy’s “Kennedy” follow this mold. Johnson’s 1964 campaign breaks this mold with “Daisy,” an anti-Goldwater ad known for deploying the eerie sounds of nuclear war. Successive campaigns sought to use a similar recipe, employing cues from film scores and trailers to dictate the emotional content of the ad. Recently, online advertising has bloomed, including tribute videos and promotional spots made by citizens and submitted to the campaign, adding grassroots allure and authenticity.


Author(s):  
Hüseyin Çelik

Economy politics that were formed with neoliberalism affected media industry like it affected all the other spheres of economy. The concentration of media structures in the world, the companies which work in the media industry being worked in the other spheres of economy, the struggle of these companies against the regulations about the media and their emphasis on the cancellation of these regulations; and the international activities of media companies attract the attention of the public for the last 50 years approximately. These developments in the media industry have been experienced in Turkey and these continued to be experienced. Neoliberal politics that were applied after 1980s caused important changes in the media industry. Another important point that attracts the attention is that even though the media actors have changed; the number of the structures that are active in media is limited and this number has not been changed for years. This paper aims to put forward the changes in the media industry in Turkey and the structures that have been shaped around these changes in the framework of neoliberal policies which were started in 1980s. In this paper a qualitative research design is used and ownership structures are analysed to investigate the changes in Turkey’s media industry since 1980s. Consequently it is seen that media actors have been changed but their numbers stayed the same. Furthermore the ownership structure of the media that is formed as a result of these developments and the organic bond between the Government is underlined.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antoine Bridier-Nahmias ◽  
Estera Badau ◽  
Pi Nyvall-collen ◽  
Antoine Andremont ◽  
Jocelyne Arquembourg

AbstractThe emergence of antimicrobial resistant infections from food is well documented in the scientific literature but, in this kind of matter, the public opinion is an important policy driver and is vastly forged by traditional media. Here, we propose a text mining study through about 500 articles from two reference daily U.S. newspapers to assess the media coverage of this issue. Our results indicate that, since the middle of the 80s, the two journals considered here adopted a very different narrative around the issue, echoing civil society concerns in one case and the official discourse in the other.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Efriyandi Efriyandi ◽  
Anis Endang SM ◽  
Indria Indria

In this era of globalization, the need for information is fast becoming very important for society. With this speed, online media has become one of the mass media that has a lot of interests and readers. On the other hand, it also gave birth to business interest for capital owners to establish large online media such as more than one, making the practice of conglomeration. As in Vicent Mosco's theory the conglomeration is a merging of a media company into a larger company that is in charge of the media. Ultimately, it also had an impact on reporting to the public and evidenced by conducting research on qualitative methods, namely by conducting interviews, observation and documentation with Miles model analysis techniques to media owners as well as to online media reporters SMSI group. In-depth interviews with discussions that have been determined previously in order to obtain data on this study. From this practice that there is a lot of space played by media owners, one of whom occupies as the editor and as the leader of the media, then all practical policies are all determined by the editor of good news that will be covered by journalists in the field. Technically, all news has been conceptualized by the editor, such as issues that will become news. Issues raised provide opportunities for journalists or media owners to find income for companies, such as cooperation with the government or political figures and the news is one of the priorities of the conceptual media owner.


2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 1011-1055 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Slane

This article uses the various intellectual property protections afforded to the classic children’s novel Anne of Green Gables as a means of illustrating the blurring between copyright, trademark, and official marks regimes in Canada. By not keeping these regimes distinct, the author argues, Canadian intellectual property law seriously threatens the integrity of the public domain, a central means by which an appropriate balance is struck between the interests of authors, other cultural producers, and the public at large. The blurring between regimes is located in three conceptual sites: origin in copyright versus source in trademark; reputation in copyright versus goodwill in trademark; and the weak requirement that a public authority serve a "public benefit" in order to qualify for official marks protection, without any consideration of the public interest served by the limitations on protections built into the other intellectual property regimes. Reinforcing the distinctions between regimes and clarifying the public benefit requirement for official marks would help protect the public domain from unjustified encroachments that potentially deprive us of access to creative works of shared cultural significance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (Special Issue) ◽  
pp. 137-138
Author(s):  
Federico Nicoli ◽  
◽  
Paul J. Cummins ◽  
Joseph A. Raho ◽  
◽  
...  

"In the aftermath of the 2014 Ebola outbreak, media coverage was scrutinized for sensationalism, weakness in explaining scientific uncertainty, dehumanization of patients, and lack of contextualization. The current COVID-19 crisis presents an opportunity to assess whether the media learned its lesson. Results are mixed. Early reporting on the origin of COVID-19 in “wet markets” indicates that the media continues to do poorly with contextualization. On the other hand, stories on mortality and the infectiousness of COVID-19 indicate there has been improvement. The situation remains fluid as COVID-19 threatens to transform into a pandemic at the time of submission. Data from new countries may alter the reported rates of lethality and infectiousness, and media reporting on these changes may or may not be responsible. The explosion of social media, as a medium to promote reporting, could provide bioethicists a tool to direct the public to reliable stories and criticize inaccurate ones. Using a bioethics perspective, this poster will critically evaluate the quality of U.S. and Italian news media’s reporting on the evolving scientific understanding of COVID-19 and its contextualization. The presentation will employ QR technology to provide links to media coverage of COVID-19 from the U.S. and Italian news media. After critically appraising the quality of COVID-19 reporting, this poster will consider if bioethicists: 1) should provide comment to the media on pandemics; 2) should correct reporting for the public and 3) have a duty to publicly criticize sensationalism in the media. "


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 508-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher F. Karpowitz ◽  
J. Quin Monson ◽  
Kelly D. Patterson

AbstractWhat are the boundaries for discussing a candidate's religion? In the 2008 and the 2012 presidential campaigns, the religious beliefs and practices of at least one of the candidates became a subject of intense scrutiny from the media and the public. To ascertain the limits of social discourse for religious out-group, we conducted a survey experiment on the 2012 CCES survey. We find strong evidence that norms of social discourse do not apply to all religions equally. Furthermore, the application of norms differs by political party because Democrats and Republicans express concerns about different religious groups. Overall, there is a large difference for Muslims when it comes to social discourse. Finally, individuals have internalized the norms because most of them are willing to sanction those who violate them, even if the norms on social discourse are not applied equally among American voters.


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