scholarly journals Flood Realities, Development Faults and Perceptions – Natural and Anthropogenic causes of 2014 Flood in Kashmir

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
ISHFAQ HUSSAIN MALIK ◽  
S Najmul Islam Hashmi

Abstract The regularity of risk in modern societies permeates everyday life— from the air that we breathe, to the food that we eat, to the water we drink and to where we work and live. We live in a globalized world associated with risk societies which is caused by a myriad of global processes. These processes interact to produce an unforeseen dangers and endless array of risks. Kashmir being politically and ecologically fragile area needs a special understanding in terms of its physical and political geography. Kashmir suffered the worst flood in last 109 years in the year 2014. The present research analyses the disaster management in Jammu and Kashmir with special emphasis on causes of 2014 flood in Kashmir Valley. It digs deeper into the politics of urbanization and how the state has turned a blind eye to lake encroachment and land grab. The flood occurred due to the mismanagement of the resources and the faulty means of development. Increased level of urbanisation and its unplanned growth, and encroachment on the banks of Jhelum River proved to be detrimental to the environment and people. The other factors like deforestation, glacial melt and destruction of wetlands in the fragile Himalayan ecosystem particularly in the Western Himalayas, lack of proper disaster management plan in the valley, climate change, land grab, extensive catchment of Jhelum River, administrative laxity, lack of proper flood channel for Jhelum River etc. corroborated in the occurrence of the flood. The combination of these factors increased the vulnerability of the people to the 2014 flood in Kashmir Valley. Natural calamities are known to change politics, and floods are a great leveller. The political instability and unsettled conditions in Kashmir compound problems many times over.

Author(s):  
Mohd Tahir Ganie

In August 2019, the populist Modi government, after getting re-elected in a massive landslide, rescinded the semi-autonomous status (constitutionally guaranteed under Article 370) of the disputed Muslim-majority region of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) by putting its 12 million residents under an unprecedented lockdown. This article will examine the ramifications of this decision, which earned praise in mainland India but generated anger and fear among the people of J&K, especially in the Kashmir Valley, the epicenter of the Kashmiri self-determination movement? It situates the prior measures Indian government took to impose its decision on the population which strongly opposed it and assesses the human cost of this imposition. It looks at the international community’s response to the political and human rights crisis obtained due to the siege imposed on the people of the contested Himalayan region. And, finally, the article indicates that the political future of Kashmir, which has been the main source of intense geopolitical rivalry between two nuclear-armed South Asian neighbors (India and Pakistan), and a site of protracted armed conflict and unarmed anti-India resistance, is likely to remain caught in a cycle o


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-20
Author(s):  
C. Zoramthara ◽  
Lalthakima

Sateek village is vulnerable to plenty of disasters such as earthquake, landslide, forest fire and disease outbreak. Some other features like poverty, remote area from the city, lack of hospital and other emergency services make the people of this village more vulnerable. The present study deals with the idea of community based disaster management (CBDM) and their risk assessment in Sateek village, which is located in Aibawk block of Aizawl District, Mizoram, India. The data used in this research include collection of primary data through interview, questionnaire and Secondary data. Landslide risk analysis was carried out in quantitative approach. The study seized disaster assessment, resource analysis, risk and vulnerable profile and response plan and interpretation in various disaster of Sateek village and how community based disaster management (CBDM) plan can help the people to cope with hazards.


Author(s):  
Robert Ross

Over the last couple of centuries, there has been a profound shift in the things which Africans have around them, or in other words their material culture. At differing speeds and to different extents, depending on the part of the continent and the political and religious positioning of the people concerned, the goods of the globalized world have penetrated to the farthest reaches of Africa. Belongings, and thus identities, have taken on new forms. This, however, is not a completely new phenomenon, as Africans have been absorbing things from outsiders to the continent for as long as there have been humans outside Africa. Understanding these shifts, and analyzing the causes and consequences thereof, requires the study of a wide variety of types of sources, many of which are dealt with by historians of Africa with a rare degree of sophistication, so that the fascinating stories of material change can be fully examined.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-23
Author(s):  
Sergii Proleiev

The article analyzes the problem of Ukraine's independence. Independence is viewed in two ways: as a formal legal act and as the real sovereignty of the people. The acquisition of real sovereignty is seen as a process of achieving social maturity (education) of the people in the course of its history. Shows the genealogy of the idea of an independent state and its connection with the era of modernity. The idea of state independence is not inherent in either the political consciousness or the practice of most of the era of civilization until the beginning of modernity. The thesis is substantiated that independence is an important social task of modern Ukrainian society, and not a fact of its life. The political and legal basis of independence is the sovereignty of the people. It is declared by the constitution, but did not take place de facto. The limited sovereignty of the people is associated with the usurpation of power and property in Ukraine by a closed ruling corporation. The article analyzes three main social forces that determined the development of the country during the period of independence. They are: the selfish interest of the new ruling class, the state aspiration of the protest movement (it is usually called national democratic) and the inertia of Soviet life of the bulk of the population. There is a meaningful connection between the way of governing in the Soviet system and the regime of the dominant corporation in contemporary Ukrainian history. The key feature of the ruling corporation is the implicit, hidden nature of its dominance. This destroys productive social dynamics, creates the preconditions for social collapse. Recently, after the second Maidan, there has been a lawsuit between the people – civil society – and the corporation of rulers and its social satellites for the organization of public life. It is concluded that only the elimination of the privileged position of the ruling corporation opens up the prospect of real democracy and the productive development of Ukraine in a globalized world.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ab. Hamid Sheikh

<p>Kashmir valley with great geo-strategic significance, was an economic hub, connecting Indian sub-continent with Central Asia and rest of the world, since ancient times. However, this exchanging center lost it relevance with the Partition of Indian sub-continent in 1947, ‘Greater Jammu &amp; Kashmir’ was divided into Azad Jammu Kashmir administered by Pakistan and Jammu and Kashmir Administered by India and the State moved from main to margin as all the routes were closed for trade and traffic including Zojila Pass. Indian Administer Kashmir (J&amp;K) became wholly and solely dependent on Jawahar Tunnel for import and export. The people of J&amp;K still remain behind curtain for number of days due to climatic hazards, communal and political tension, in the age of globalization, modernization and regional integration. The author attempted to put forth historical significance and arguments for reviving traditional corridors via Ladakh on sound basis rather than making revival of ancient trade outlets subservient to peace and drug mafia. </p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (10) ◽  
pp. 297-304
Author(s):  
S.I. Humayun ◽  
◽  
Col. Navneet Dahiya

The state of Jammu and Kashmir (now a UT after the abrogation of article 370) is not only the casus belli of three wars between India and Pakistan but is also a possible nuclear flashpoint. Thus the security situation in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) is a cause of concern not only for the two states but also for South Asia and the entire world. The state-sponsored proxy war in J&K and the resultant militarization of the entire state has turned the situation into a vicious spiral that threatens to go out of control every few years since the 1980s. The dynamics of Kashmir valley have also oscillated from peaceful marches on one end to the forced exodus of Kashmiri Pandits, mass murders by the terrorists, heavy-handedness by the security forces, and violent protests across the Kashmir valley. Amongst this melee of constant violence and curbs on a day to day freedom, the ultimate losers are the people of the state. The aspirations and happiness of these common people have somehow been lost on the state and national governments, the curbs on the flourishing of civil society, and the environment of fear generated by the so-called militants and militarization of the state. An analysis of these mass protests gives out the general mood of the public if not the actual aspirations of the people. The factors causing the security situation in the valley to deteriorate need to be taken cognizance of not only in the domain of law and order but also in the modifications to the approach required to renew and reestablish a compact with the people of the state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 1099-1125 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANKUR DATTA

AbstractThis article explores situations in which forced migrants revisit places and homes they had fled from, drawing on research carried out among Kashmiri Hindus, better known asPandits, who were displaced following the outbreak of conflict in Jammu and Kashmir in 1990. Due to the breakdown of law and order, selective attacks, and a climate of fear, most of the community had relocated from the Kashmir valley to the south in Jammu and to even cities such as New Delhi, constituting one of the most prominent groups of Internally Displaced Persons in the region. While there is an interest in repatriation/resettlement in scholarship and policy, the experiences of the Pandits reveal the multiple meanings ‘return’ holds for the displaced. This article will draw on the experiences of Pandit forced migrants in Jammu who have returned to visit Kashmir. Their experiences will be situated with work on return migration, the Kashmir conflict, and the political location of the Pandits in the region. The article argues that return migration is an inconclusive phenomenon that critically raises questions of home and uncertainty, and provides a way to understand how the displaced locate themselves in the world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (10) ◽  
pp. 949-955 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tariq Saiff Ullah ◽  
Syeda Sadiqa Firdous ◽  
Ansar Mehmood ◽  
Hamayun Shaheen ◽  
Muhammad Ejaz Ul Islam Dar

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


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