The Military Security Policy of Japan under Shinzo Abe: New Tendencies

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (002) ◽  
pp. 33-45
Author(s):  
Dmitry STRELTSOV
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Military

scholarly journals CHANGING OF PARADIGM IN MILITARY-POLITICAL THINKING IN THE DOCTRINES AND STRATEGIES OF MILITARY SECURITY OF UKRAINE OF THE 20th AND 21th CENTURIES

2021 ◽  
pp. 120-126
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Tsiurupa
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Military Strategy ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Main Thesis ◽  
Political Response ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Creation ◽  
New Generation ◽  
The Military

The time limits of the life of one generation are about 25-30 years, so lived in the struggle for building its own state and its armed defence, this time for Ukraine goes down in the history of the first generation of creation and attempts to comply with four military doctrines (1993-2004-2012-2015), in which our own defence course was proclaimed. The theoretical basis of these official documents of significance were certain paradigms of military-political thinking, according to which Ukraine did not consider it a continuation of politics. The direction and principles of military policy (defence or security policy in European terminology) for modern Ukraine from the mid-20s of the XIX century, as well as 100 years ago, again came to the fore in connection with the implementation of previously abstract concepts " annexation "," occupation "," war ", which allegedly did not exist for our country in recent history. But today they have been embodied or, in the image of Franz Kafka, "reincarnated" into threatening forms of Russia's military practice against our state, the end of which is not yet visible in the near future. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of militarypolitical thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the creation of a "comprehensive defence system" with the integration of all forces of the state and civil society, law enforcement agencies and volunteers, administrative regions and territorial communities. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. We will prove that this is a philosophy of military security instead of the previously expressed doctrinal military-political ideas of entrusting a matter of national importance to the forces of the defence sector. The new generation of public life Ukraine will begin with a new paradigm of militarypolitical thinking, the central idea of which is the transition from hopes for the political levers of defence for international cooperation to the creation of a system of comprehensive national security with the synergistic potential of Ukrainianity.

scholarly journals Military Security of Poland – From Theory to Practice

2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Sobolewski ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Strategic Alliance ◽  
International Security ◽  
Defense Mechanism ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Policy And Strategy ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Eu

National and international security remains a fascinating area of scientific research. Studies of phenomena and processes in military security suggest that we are witnessing great and intense changes. In their analyses of the modern security environment, both NATO and the EU wish to accommodate the existing conditions. Poland also has been affected by that process. The security policy should be based on the main assumption that Poland is a sovereign security entity, able to define its national interests and strategic objectives autonomously. However, the foundations of our security are assured by membership in the EU and NATO, good relations in the region, a strategic alliance with the USA, and an internal defense mechanism. The needs of the state and the society for national security arise from a dynamic rate of changes in challenges and hazards. The Author intends to combine theory with practice that is implemented in favor of the military security of Poland. First of all, the essence of military security is presented from theoretical and utilitarian viewpoints. The subsequent parts of the paper present research results related to the identification of contemporary challenges and hazards to the military security of Poland. This approach provided an opportunity to outline assumptions of policy and strategy underlying military security in current international security conditions.

scholarly journals Reflexive Governance as the Basis for Military Security in a Modern State

2020 ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
M. A. Amurov
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Economic Incentives ◽  
Network Governance ◽  
Theoretical Research ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Strategic Decisions ◽  
Governance System ◽  
State Management ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Military

The purpose of this article is to substantiate the determinants of contemporary changes in military security policy, which is reflexive management. Military security is considered as a function of political attitudes and strategic decisions, and its governmental potential is a changing mechanism designed to meet regional and global demands and tendencies of society development. The author substantiates the assumption that today, the system of ensuring military security requires radical governmental transformation, and the key mechanism of this transformation is reflexive governance. The theoretical research method is a conceptual transformation of the governmental aspect of the military security policy through the prism of the theory of reflexive governance. The concept of reflexive governance has not yet been properly developed in Russian academic investigations, but its relevance is determined by a substantial change in the existing prospects for the analysis, development, and implementation of the military security policy in times of peace: (1) shifting the attention of civil cervants to the mechanisms of transformation of military security institutions to global challenges; (2) activation of discussions about “open” and “closed” spaces in politics; (3) development of the potential of governance based on continuous education and network management; and (4) development of a network governance system. Within the framework of reflexive governance, cognitive and normative beliefs form the political-administrative hierarchy and economic incentives as mechanisms for coordinating military security. At the same time, the mechanism of ensuring military security consists of such components as (1) subjects and (2) objects of military security; (1) normative and regulatory, (2) theoretical and research, and (3) activity components of military security. Reflexive governance, while becoming the basis of the military security in a modern state, implies that in the arms race countries should not forget about deeper, fundamental goals of state management. Any action both within the framework of direct provision of military security and within the framework of diplomatic regulation of relations in the international arena should be devoted to collective and individual-administrative reflexing of decision makers. A key role in military security policy should be played not by the theory of warfare, but by the development of tools to help resolve emerging conflicts peacefully.

Desertie naar de vijand in het Belgische frontleger tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Deel 2

2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Causal Link ◽  
World War ◽  
Criminal Records ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World ◽  
Front Movement

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.

The Military, Security and Conflict

2015 ◽  
pp. 211-237
Author(s):  
Vincent Durac ◽  
Francesco Cavatorta
Keyword(s):  
Military Security ◽  
The Military

The Diversity of Japan’s Overseas Development Assistance to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan: A Case Study of the Role of Security

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-257
Author(s):  
Takuro Kikkawa
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Development Assistance ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
Oil Shock ◽  
Military Security ◽  
Security Concerns ◽  
Overseas Development

This article analyzes Japan’s Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) policy in Jordan, focusing primarily on the areas concerning security. After the oil shock in 1973, security concerns in the Middle East affected Japan’s economic security policy. However, Japan’s long vulnerability in energy supply was not the sole determinant of its aid policies in the Middle East. Rather, a paradigm shift in the Japanese government’s ODA policy in the 1990s, the implementation of the human security approach, had a greater impact than economic security in subsequent Japanese ODA programs in Jordan. Japan has given more assistance to areas relevant to military security in its ODA in Jordan, particularly after increasing security concerns about the Middle East since the early twenty-first century. The two phenomena—Japan’s more aggressive commitment in the Middle East, including its deployment of Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) in the region and Jordan’s greater responsibility in regional security—occurred simultaneously because of a series of crises after 2003. The unusual nature of Jordanian society today, a small society that hosts refugees from many nations, means the new Japanese ODA approach in Jordan has more diverse recipients than ever, as the country is becoming a host for a community of refugees.

British security policy and the Sunningdale Agreement: the consequences of using force to combat terrorism in a liberal democracy1

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
Relevant Today ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military

This chapter assesses the nine specific clauses in the Sunningdale Agreement that dealt with the implications for security policy in Northern Ireland. It analyses the consequences that these clauses had in Britain’s war against terrorism, especially as the Conservative government sought to shift the operational focus away from military-led counter-insurgency to a law enforcement-led counter-terrorism strategy. Although the policy of ‘police primacy’ did not emerge as Britain’s preferred option for tackling terrorism until 1975-76, this chapter argues that the seeds were sown by the British Government’s approach to the Sunningdale Agreement and the urgency by which it sought a cross-border arrangement with the Republic of Ireland that would enhance the security forces’ powers of pursuit, arrest and extradition. Indeed, the chapter asks whether the Conservative Party’s return to power in 1979 finally heralded a renewed vision for ‘police primacy’ in a more systematic way than that enacted by the Labour Government between 1974 and 1979. The chapter also highlights the theme of democratic control over the military instrument that would remain constant right up to the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985 and beyond. Indeed, it makes the case - pace Evelegh (1978) and Neumann (2003) – that the British government’s use of the military instrument as an option of last resort is fundamental to our understanding of Britain’s long war on Irish terrorism. This is relevant today, of course, particularly as Britain faces another (albeit much less sustained) armed challenge from dissident republicans. In conclusion, the chapter reflects on how liberal democracies more broadly have responded to the challenge posed by terrorism.

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