scholarly journals What Has Changed? A Critical Analysis of the Law of Sedition and the Press in Nigeria since 1914

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. p20
Author(s):  
Chinedu C. Odoemelam ◽  
Uche V. Ebeze ◽  
Okorom E. Morgan ◽  
Daniel N. Okwudiogor

This study is situated within the normative theoretical framework, which focuses on the press in nations where the press is expected to assume the coloration of the political milieu within which it finds itself. The British colonial masters discovered the power of the press in the early 16th century and devised numerous schemes to restrict publication. Such policies were extended to her majesty’s colonies; for instance, the law of sedition in Nigeria. Freedom of the press is a right but it is a right that has been won only through many hard-fought legal battles like the one fought by John Peter Zenger in the seditious trial of 1735. There were several such trials for sedition in the colonies, and despite the acquittal of John Peter Zenger, the British colonial government went ahead to adopt such laws in her colonial territories. This was exemplified in the seditious offence ordinance that was in force in 1909 in Southern Nigeria. This study adopts the historical, legal research and critical paradigm technique to examine how the law of sedition has fared in inhibiting press freedom in Nigeria since 1914. The study provides an understanding of how colonial influence may affect laws regulating how the media function in independent States.

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1&2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Meryl Du Plessis

This contribution examines the balance to be struck between freedom of expression on the one hand, and dignity on the other.  It does so through the lens of narratives of South Africa’s past and present in Citizen 187 (Pty) Ltd v McBride and a consideration of how narratives shape our construction of reality.  It is argued that the newspaper narratives about Mr McBride’s planting and detonation of a bomb in 1986 contain various omissions and half-truths, which impacts adversely on the media’s contribution to post-apartheid South Africa.  In particular, such media coverage mimimises Black persons’ realities in the past and present, which is an infringement of their dignity.  However, the law of defamation, it is argued, is not suited optimally to address the shortcomings in macro narratives of South African history advanced by the media.  The use of the law of defamation for that purpose may have the effect of stifling, unduly, conversations that are integral to national reconciliation. Alternative mechanisms through which to hold newspapers accountable may include complaints addressed to the Press Council, consumer activism and the creation of a plurality of voices within media spaces, both in terms of media ownership and the promotion of ideological diversity.  Ngcobo CJ’s judgment is therefore preferred, as it protects the media’s freedom of expression, while also emphasising the importance of the dignity of those who become media subjects. 


Author(s):  
Simon Butt ◽  
Tim Lindsey

The Indonesian media is vibrant and expanding, although ownership concentration is a significant problem. This chapter describes the regulatory framework governing the media that was developed after Soeharto’s system of tight control was abolished. It pays particular attention to the Press Council and the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission. It also covers journalists’ associations, press freedom, censorship, and the right to privacy; and the law of defamation and related provisions in the law on electronic transactions and information. Freedom of information law and laws protecting state secrets are also covered. The chapter discusses two high-profile defamation cases that created controversy in Indonesia—those involving Prita Mulyasari and Tommy Soeharto. These reveal serious flaws in the current legal regime governing the media in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
István Lükő

A cikk a szakképzési törvény megjelenésének 25. évfordulója alkalmából rendezett „25 éves a szakképzési törvény - Korszakos változások - új irányok” című konferencia előadása alapján készült, amelyet a szerző vezette Az első szakképzési törvény gazdasági- társadalmi környezete nemzetközi kitekintésbe című Panel keretében tartott.Ez a negyedszázados esemény a társadalmi-gazdasági szinten zajló rendszerváltás fontos része volt a másik két oktatási alrendszer törvényi szabályozásával együtt.Az írás ezt a korszakot, illetve a törvényhez kapcsolódó gazdasági-társadalmi környezetet mutatja be nemzetközi kontextusban.A téma elvi-elméleti felvezetéseként a szerző áttekinti a különböző szempontok és léptékek szerinti szakképzési modelleket, amelyek a világban fellelhetők. The government formed after the political events in 1989 considered the comprehensive transformation of the educational system, primarily by legal regulation, as one of their main tasks. After years of preparation, the three acts on education were passed in 1993, including the Act on VET. Several documents, e.g. the National Qualification Registry, are connected to this law; in this article I have undertaken to examine these connections and to make comparisons to other countries. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the law taking effect, on May 5th 2018 the Hungarian Association for Pedagogy and the Teacher Training Centre of the BME organized a monumental conference titled The Law on VET becomes 25 years old – Epochal changes – new directions in Budapest at the BME. After the plenary sessions, five panels were held – I was the moderator of the one titled: The socio-economic environment of the first VET act in an international dimension, and I held a short lecture here with a similar title. 


INFORMASI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Achmad Nashrudin P

Research on Political Economy of Media: At the news ahead of elections for the governor of Banten in 2017 by Radar Banten and Baraya TV, phenomenon triggered by the loosening of the values of objectivity and independence of the mass media in carrying out its functions as set in the Press Law and the Broadcasting Law. At the time of the campaign, the candidates for governor and lieutenant governor are competing to get the “place ‘and is known well as sell to prospective election promise to get sympathy. At the time, the media seemed to forget the function and position. This study aims to determine the phenomenon of media relations with the candidates and how the phenomenon of the political economy of media in both institutions (Radar Banten and Baraya Pos) at the time before the election for governor of Banten in 2017. This study uses this study used a qualitative approach, with the constructivist paradigm and using the method of data collection through the depth-interview, the informant was elected. The results of the study illustrate that media relations (relations between) media with prospective relatively loose, drawn from observations and interviews show that the two media are “very affectionate” with the candidates, and the media policy in lifting more headlines have suggested the economic interests vis a vis political interests.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


2020 ◽  
pp. 606-618
Author(s):  
Ibitayo Samuel Popoola

This probing thesis in this study is on how the political class in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria established, maintained, improved and controls the machinery of the state through the press. While establishing media ownership and unequal media access as key factors responsible for the emergence of the political class, the study similarly discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised or packaged by the press. Robert C. North (1967:301) says “politics could not exist without communication, nor could wars be fought.” The media are also the playing field on which politics occurs” (Perloff 2014:37). They are also the strategic routes through which aspiring politicians must travel during elections. Through a case study method of analysis, this study discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised, and publicized by the press. For this reason, the political class regarded the press as partners in progress.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 231-244
Author(s):  
Pamela Schulz

In modern society children are valued and nurtured, and it is often stated in media discourses across a variety of platforms and via the press and elsewhere, particularly by politicians, that “Children are our future”. Thus, they deserve the best education and a safe and secure environment in order to thrive and become a part of society. To this end, this study looks at how the media and its language construct children as a commodity in the economy who are used by media as a barometer for society and its commitment to decency and community. However, on closer inspection, a disturbing discourse of division emerges showing the community is split on how best to care and protect our children so that they may partake of that future. Children are used to promote viewpoints (or even ideologies) by celebrities who use their children as exemplars of their parenting style. In addition, children are used by media as a measure of whether a modern democracy is fair or decent in its application of law. From issues related to the pester power through which marketers use children to sell products to the lure of the internet, children are used to make money or seek access to it. Most modern legal frameworks actively support the maintenance of children within culture and kinship groups, yet thousands of children each year are deliberately separated from their parents who are encouraged by marketing ploys to send their children to other parts of the world for education or to seek a migration outcome. This study suggests that modern democratic societies are not consistent in their discourses which, on the one hand, seek to promote active support for the care and wellbeing of children and, on the other, continue a divisive discourse about appropriate responses. In this analysis and commentary, italics are used to give emphasis to keywords and phrases.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 554-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Flavin ◽  
Fielding Montgomery

The media can play an important role in the relationship between citizens and their government by acting as a watchdog and providing timely information about malfeasance and corruption. We examine whether citizens’ perceptions of government corruption are closer to country experts’ assessments in countries where there are higher levels of press freedom. Using data on citizens’ perceptions of government corruption and country expert evaluations of levels of political corruption for over 100 countries, we present evidence that the relationship between expert measures of corruption and citizens’ perceptions is heightened as the level of press freedom increases across our sample. These findings suggest that a free press can play an important role in bringing corruption to light, educating citizens, and potentially allowing them to better hold their elected officials accountable.


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Barton

AbstractIn October 1934, a Croatian terrorist organization assassinated King Alexander of Yugoslavia in the streets of Marseilles, France. His murder caused an international crisis because of the safe haven given to the group by the Italian and Hungarian governments. The assassination led the world's first peacekeeping body, the League of Nations, to intervene and to propose a legal solution for the political crisis. In November 1937, the league completed two antiterrorism treaties. Only the British colonial government of India ratified the terrorism convention, which was, by contrast, rejected by the United Kingdom on legal and political grounds. This article examines the European origins of the League of Nation's consideration of international terrorism and the divisions that occurred between Delhi and London over supporting the antiterrorism measure. Delhi's separate membership in the League of Nations allowed the colonial government to deviate from London and to sign a treaty deemed necessary for domestic security.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 223-246
Author(s):  
María Muelas Gil

Metaphor has been studied as a pervasive and intrinsic discourse tool over the last decades in many different types of discourse (Lakoff and Johnson 1980, Semino 2008, Kövecses 2010, etc.). Considering the strong effect it has on the discourse participants and how it can persuade them towards one side, action, or thought (Charteris-Black 2004, Silaski 2012), it is necessary to study it when the timeframe and the discourse where it is used are ideologically loaded. Based on recent studies on metaphor in economics (Alejo 2010, Herrera-Soler and White 2012, Soares da Silva et al. 2017), metaphor in the press (Koller 2004/2008) and metaphor and ideology (Goatly 2007, Silaski 2012), this article presents a corpus-based study of metaphor in reports of economic affairs in the English and Spanish press during the pre-election week of 2015. The corpus (about 160,000 words) consists of reports published by six newspapers that support different political spheres (left, centre and right): The Guardian, The Independent and The Telegraph in English, and Público, El País and ABC in Spanish. From a Critical Metaphor Analysis perspective (Charteris-Black 2004), the study starts from the hypothesis that the political stand of each newspaper might condition the metaphors. Indeed, metaphors pointing at certain side of political spheres appear in all the sub-corpora of the study, but in distinctive ways, as will be shown. In any case, critical factors such as cognitive and cultural reasons beyond the political stand of the media in question need to be acknowledged as well, which conveys further and more comprehensive analyses.


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