scholarly journals The legitimacy of Tsarist authority over the peoples of Siberia in the late 16th to early 18th centuries

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-352
Author(s):  
Andrey S. Zuev ◽  
Viktoriya A. Slugina

The article studies the methods that substantiated the legitimacy of the power of the Russian monarch over the vast territories of Siberia. The context of this study is the Russian political culture of the late 16th to early 18th centuries. Based on information from chronicles as well as diplomatic and administrative documents, the authors identify and systematize the main political, ideological, and legal arguments that were most often used by the Russian government to justify the Tsars rule over Siberia. The arguments can be divided into two groups according to the target audience: the first group was intended for conversation with the heads of foreign countries, the second one addressed the Siberian peoples and also the Russian people broadly. In foreign policy, the representatives of the Moscow Tsar emphasized the antiquity and the strength of the bond between these territories and the Russian state. The diplomats tended to exaggerate the scale of the Russian military, socio-economic, political, and cultural (religious) development of the new territories. At the same time, they were silent about the resistance of the local population to the tsarist servicemen. At home the authorities applied other legal arguments to bolster their legitimacy. In interaction with indigenous populations, the Russian governors and service people usually forced the communities (in the form of an ultimatum) to accept the claim that the Tsar owned the Siberian lands as a fiefdom. With this the socio-political status of the Siberian peoples radically changed: they became subjects to the Russian Tsar, as kholops or yasak-payers. The Russian combatants and colonists, in direct contact with the indigenous population, informed the Siberian peoples about recent government directives and fully identified with the official claim to authority. In the eyes of the Russian population, an additional element was the religious and political idea that the Tsar had been chosen by God, from which followed the duty to expand the Russian Orthodox tsardom.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Mamarazok Tagaev ◽  

In the article, after the conquest of the Russian Empire in the province, hospitals were opened for the Russian military and turned them into a hospital. Opened hospitals in Tashkent, Samarkand and Kattakurgan and outpatients for women and men. However,the local population, fearing doctors in uniform, did not want to contact them and turned to healers and paramedics


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 434-441
Author(s):  
Ahmad Saher Ahmad Al-Qteishat

One of the most important goals of Russian foreign policy during Vladimir Putins presidency is to strengthen Russian influence in the Caucasus region and Central Asia, as well as to develop relations with such countries as Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. The Russian government has always expressed concern about the so-called color revolutions that took place in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, as well as the fact that many of them were supported by Western forces. Russia believes that the events of the Arab Spring are in some way similar to the aforementioned revolutions, and that with the support of the West they could bring Islamists to power, which is a dangerous model not only for the countries of the region and the countries neighboring Russia, but also for Russia itself. For these reasons, in the Syrian conflict, Moscow sought to preserve the Assad regime, because believes that the Western model in solving regional problems can lead to the general chaos, like it was, for example, in the Iraqi and Libyan models. Despite the difficulties faced by government officials in Syria since the beginning of the civil war, and thanks to Russian military assistance and reforms, Syria preserved the legitimate regime and did not allow destroying all state institutions. Participation in the Syrian conflict brought Russia a significant role in the region and allowed it to become a successful mediator in most regional issues, as well as to strengthen its economic and political relations with the most important players in the region, as Turkey, Iran, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (398) ◽  
pp. 161-181
Author(s):  
Oleg Savchenko ◽  
◽  
Valery Polovinkin ◽  

for weapons, military and special-purpose equipment, supplies and services to support military forces of five states, which are world leaders in the military field: USA, UK, France, Germany and China. A special emphasis is made on shipbuilding. Materials and methods. The review is based on modern strategic documents and legislative acts regulating the procurement activities of major state military agencies. Main results. A detailed consideration is given to specific procurement systems operating in foreign countries, similar features and differences are identified, national specifics are mentioned. Recommendations are given regarding lessons to be learned by Russian military departments. Conclusions. Based on the foreign experience it is found advisable to combine centralized purchasing of major military products and equipment and decentralized procurement of some general-purpose items.


Author(s):  
Y. V. Borovsky

The article deals with privatization in Russia’s energy sector with a special focus on a recent purchase of the private TNK-BP by the state-owned Rosneft. The author analyses the past, present and future privatization deals related to the Russian oil, gas and power generation industry as compared to accumulated international experience. For instance, the article displays the ways the Norwegian, Brazilian, French and British authorities privatized national strategic energy assets. The study presented in the article also aims to find out key advantages and disadvantages of state or private ownership in the Russian and global energy industry. For example, it sheds light on some considerable achievements of the Russian state-controlled companies in oil production amid a widespread belief that more than a decade-long growth in the Russian oil industry is due only to private firms that were created in the 1990s. Additionally, the state-controlled Norwegian oil and gas firm Statoil that shows strong operational and financial results on the Norwegian Continental Shelf and abroad is also in the spotlight of the current study. In line with the mentioned takeover of TNK-BP the author examines outcomes of the reorganization of RAO UES of Russia (the dismantled Russian electric power monopoly) that was seen as a massive privatization of the national power industry. Moreover, the study presents two groups of interests prevailing in the Russian government and energy business to give an outlook on the Russian energy industry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-50
Author(s):  
Natalia M. Velikaya ◽  
◽  
Galina V. Tartygasheva ◽  
◽  

The processes of strengthening the country’s security are inextricably linked with ensuring demographic security, preserving and supporting the population, improving the quality of life, and this direction of state and civil efforts is one of the most important for modern Russia. Within the framework of the concept of overcoming the most pressing demographic threats – depopulation and unregulated migration processes, in addition to the pro-natalist policy of the state, the creation of economic conditions for improving the quality of life in general, the most popular and at the same time controversial tool for solving demographic problems is the migration policy aimed at attracting migrants from foreign countries. countries that must solve both the demographic and economic problems of the state. The article presents the results of expert polls of sociological research in 2019 and 2021. “Monitoring of public opinion of the population regarding current socio-cultural threats”, “Image of the future of Russia” conducted by the Center for Sociological Research of the Russian State Humanitarian University using a similar method, which analyzes the public opinion of experts on trends in Russia’s demographic development and possible sociocultural threats associated with them


Author(s):  
Alexander Mikaberidze

The sixty-three years between the accession of Catherine II and the death of Alexander I mark a key moment in Russian history. The Russian state enjoyed a long streak of successful wars and territorial acquisitions and fully established itself as a great European power. The reigns of Catherine II and Alexander I saw Russian conquest and annexation of Poland, Finland, Bessarabia, Moldavia, Georgia, and territories on both sides of the Great Caucasian Gorge. Russia also successfully projected its power well beyond its traditional boundary. In 1799, the Russian troops appeared for the first time on the plains of Italy and the mountain valleys of Switzerland while, in 1814, they marched triumphantly along the Champs-Élysées in Paris. Warfare was an almost constant feature of this period as Russia fought three wars against the Ottoman Turks (1768–1774, 1787–1792, 1806–1812), two wars against Sweden (1788–1790, 1808–1809), four campaigns against the Poles (1768–1772, 1793–1795), five campaigns against France (1799–1800, 1805–1814), and one prolonged conflict with Iran (1804–1813). The strain of the Napoleonic Wars, when Russia was almost continually at war between 1805 and 1815, surpassed the impact of all other conflicts that had preceded them.


1959 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen D. Grimshaw

The Anglo-Indian community of India is one of several hybrid Eurasian populations which have found themselves in precarious social positions in some of the newly independent Asian nations. Eurasian populations originated in early periods of colonial domination when European women were scarce, and grew over the years through natural increase and occasional mixed contacts. Their original size relative to the indigenous populations and policies of both governing European and native populations have determined whether they: (1) have been submerged in the numerically dominant local population (e.g., White Russians in China); (2) have attempted to return to the European countries of their male progenitors (e.g., Indos of Indonesia); or (3) have been forced to attempt the maintenance of social and cultural solidarity as permanent minorities (e.g., Ceylonese “Burghers” and the Anglo-Indians). Events of the contemporary nationalist revolution in Asia have increased public awareness of the problems of these minority groups.


Author(s):  
Lyudmyla Lesyk

The author analyzes the economic documentation sent by the Nizhyn governors to the Malorossiyskyi Prykaz in the 1650s and 1670s. The excerpts published in the Acts relating to the History of Southern and Western Russia. This source the author used to show the nature of the interaction between the Nizhyn Voivodship and the government, to identify the main issues voivode had to report on and the tasks he had to solve, as well as to consider the situation of the Russian military contingent in Nizhyn.The author notes that the royal pledges led by the voivods appeared in Chernihiv, Nizhyn, Pereyaslav and other Ukrainian cities in the late 1650s. The names of the Nizhyn voivods, who served in the 1650-1670s, were identified, and the author described their activities. She found out that the voivode had to build a fortress in the city to defend against enemies, manage the affairs of their garrisons, send to Moscow financial statements of expenditures, to issue a sovereign's pay to the archers, to fight against their escape, which was very common, and in addition to monitor on the activities of the local Cossack administration and internal policy in the territories subordinate to them, submit to the king petitioners and petitions, provide information on events in the Ukrainian lands and in the neighboring territories, involve the local population in the work . Under the rule of Ivan Bryukhovetsky, voivode had to collect taxes from inhabitants of the Hetmanate (except for Cossacks and clergy). The author concludes that it was through regular reports that the voivode in Moscow knew about the state of affairs in the Hetmanate region and, following the information received, adjusted their policy towards the Ukrainian lands. Therefore, the voivodship runoff can be considered a valuable source from the history of the hetman's Ukraine itself.


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