The Government and Politics of the Middle East and North Africa and Comparative Politics of the Middle East: An Introduction

1980 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-176
Author(s):  
Hamid Enayat
2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 192-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall Peerenboom

The 2011 revolutions in the Middle East and Northern Africa (MENA) led to considerable hope for some people that China would experience a similar political uprising, as well as considerable anxiety for the ruling regime. The government’s immediate response was to downplay the risk of a similar event occurring in China by distinguishing between China and MENA, while at the same time cracking down on activists and other potential sources of instability—including attempts to organize popular revolutionary protests in China. Although the government has so far managed to avoid a similar uprising, neither response has been entirely successful. Despite a number of significant diff erences between China and MENA countries, there are enough commonalities to justify concerns about political instability. Moreover, relying on repression alone is not a long-term solution to the justified demands of Chinese citizens for political reforms and social justice. Whether China will ultimately be able to avoid the fate of authoritarian regimes in MENA countries will turn on its ability to overcome a series of structural challenges while preventing sudden and unpredictable events, like those that gave rise to the Arab revolutions, from spinning out of control.


Author(s):  
Emad Adnan Matyori Emad Adnan Matyori

This study aims to estimates the effect of government spending on education and its policies on the accumulation of human capital and then economic growth, for this purpose, we use the econometric method, and employed the simultaneous equations model, for a sample of fourteen countries from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) For the period (1980- 2019); The study concluded, in the first estimates stage of the model, that most of the government spending policies on education used in the study positively affect the accumulation of human capital, except, government spending policy on education at basic educational levels, which had a negative impact. And in the second estimates stage of the model, The study concluded, a positive impact of the accumulated human capital due to government spending on education and its policies on economic growth; Consequently, government spending policies on education positively affect economic growth through the channel of human capital accumulation, expressed in the composite index based on the Barrow- Lee database of average years of schooling for the working- age population, adjusted for the quality and return of education. The study made the following recommendations: interest to international education indicators data, as it is the basis for managing the educational system. Study more government spending policies on education to reveal its role in human capital accumulation and economic growth.: interest to human capital when formulating government policies, targeting its development, and increasing its contribution to GDP.


1988 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Donald C. Holsinger ◽  
David E. Long ◽  
Bernard Reich

Author(s):  
Andrea Ghiselli

Securitization does not happen in a vacuum. Key functional actors can play a very important role in helping the securitizing actor to understand the nature of the threat to the referent object. In foreign policy, this is particularly true when the policymakers are not familiar with the issue at hand and, therefore, there is ample room for other actors to influence them. This chapter, however, shows that the Chinese foreign policy bureaucracy and the community of experts was only partially able to do aid this securitization. These findings emerge from an examination of the development of the Chinese diplomatic system in terms of regional expertise, personnel, resources, and political standing. As for the scholars in Chinese universities and think tanks, they lacked either the skills or the influence to warn the government about the risks brewing in North Africa and the Middle East. At most, they were able to shape the government’s response to the crisis in those regions only after it took place.


1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amos Perlmutter

In his rejoinder to my essay, ‘Egypt and the Myth of the New Middle Class’, Professor Halpern clings to a limited and dysfunctional concept. The concept of NMC was of limited use in 1963 when he wrote The Politics of Social Change in the Middle East and North Africa; since then, it hasproved to be a misleading tool for explaining the politics of change in the Middle East, yet Halpern persists in reaffirming it. For seven years, Professor Halpern has been arguing the same tautologies. On the one hand he proposes a theory of a new middle class; on the other, he explains why the NMC still has not evolved. The NMC concept is so fundamental to his book that I, for one, have examined it closely—and have found its validity and usefulness limited. Halpern writes of the need for a new theory of the relationship between social classes and system-transforming change in the modern age, but he offers no good descriptive and analytical data to support his thesis. In fact, as we shall demonstrate later, his thesis is shaken by a confrontation with rigorous empirical and correlative analyses. A cursory review of recent literature shows us many recantations by authors who once applied Grand Theories to Comparative Politics. In the spirit of the era post-Committee for Comparative Politics-neo-scholasticism, I have consented to write a rejoinder. Let me state at the beginning that I will refrain from comments on Halpern's new vintage, ‘The Dialectics of Modernization in National and International Society’, although in his rejoinder Halpern insists that the NMC has been reaffirmed and reappraised in his ‘Dialectics’. This would require more than a rejoinder. In order to review or refute Halpern's new work, I would need to write a new article, and scarcity of time does not allow me this luxury.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Paul Maurice Esber

Abstract This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance”. Because the politics of citizenship is felt at all stages of the parliamentary process, the very question of parliamentary relevance itself cannot be answered without reference to the citizenry. That Jordan’s citizenship regime influences and impedes parliamentary politics is explored through two cases. The first being decentralization, understood as a relocating of tasks, decision-making and mandates from a centralized location to different, more localized levels. The second study focuses on the uprisings occurring from May 30, 2018 against the draft domestic tax law introduced to parliament by the government of then-Prime Minister Hani al-Mulki. Both cases are implicated in the Kingdom’s parliamentary politics, and their selection is a conscious move away from election analysis. Taken together they elucidate how citizenship is a key battleground on which any future emancipation/development of parliament will be fought.


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