From Disorder to Growth and Back: The Military Regime (1964–1984)

Author(s):  
Lee J. Alston ◽  
Marcus André Melo ◽  
Bernardo Mueller ◽  
Carlos Pereira

This chapter discusses the military government and the belief in “developmentalism” which motivated the institutions put in place by the regime. Developmentalism rested on top-down technocratic planning and was a coalition between the military and the business community, both domestic and foreign. Import substitution policies along with state-led industrialization brought economic growth in the late 1960s and into the mid-1970s. But, the Brazilian miracle of the late 1960s and early 1970s began to sputter out, and, moreover, political rights became more constrained. The years of censorship and a closed political system sowed the seeds for a more open political order. Above all, the failure of the expansionist strategy of growth through import substitution accompanied by inflation and external debt became self-evident. Citizens also began to blame the government for not reducing economic and social inequality. The dominant belief that economic growth should precede social inclusion started losing political support.

Author(s):  
Lee J. Alston ◽  
Marcus André Melo ◽  
Bernardo Mueller ◽  
Carlos Pereira

This chapter discusses the factors, especially changing beliefs, that led to redemocratization and the subsequent institutional changes during the years 1985–1993. After the military government, the middle class demanded more inclusion in the political arena. To a certain extent, this happened with multiple parties, and only one claiming to be a right-wing party. Unexpectedly, the franchise was given to illiterates seemingly because the belief in social inclusion warranted it; the illiterates were not in the streets clamoring for the vote. The granting of the franchise to illiterates had few short-term, but many long-run, consequences. Moreover, the business sector was less open than the political sector, with the initial maintenance of import substitution programs. Business was still in the hands of elites with lots of regulations as well as ways to avoid regulations—for a price.


2012 ◽  
Vol 54 (03) ◽  
pp. 157-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Corrales

Abstract Cuba faces a development dilemma: it promotes equity and human capital while failing to deliver economic growth. For the government, the country's equity and human capital achievements are a source of pride, a sign that its priorities are right. This essay argues instead that this “equity without growth” dilemma is a sign of malaise. Theory and evidence suggest that high levels of equity and human capital should produce high levels of economic growth. Because growth is often weak or negative, some onerous barriers to development must be present. These barriers, it is argued, are restrictions on property and political rights. By comparing Cuba and China across two sectors, the bicycle industry and Internet access, this article shows how these restrictions have hindered growth. It also assesses how Cuba's latest economic reforms, the so-called Lineamientos, will address Cuba's development dilemma. The impact may be minimal, but perhaps more lasting than previous reforms.


2017 ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
José Janguiê Bezerra ◽  
Celso Niskier ◽  
Lioudmila Batourina

The Brazilian private education sector is one of the largest in the world. Today there are more than 6 million students enrolled in private higher education institutions, which represents more than 75 percent of all university students. Brazilian higher education started expanding in 1996, when the government, according to the National Education Plan, introduced a fund allowing young people to take up students loans. From 1996 to 2010, the government took a number of actions, addressing the problem of social inclusion and supplying the country with educated, middle class workers. The Brazilian Association of Private Universities (ABMES—Associação Brasileira de Mantenedoras de Ensino Superior) is pushing the government to keep investing in the scholarships in spite of the economic crisis, and working together on finding alternative funding mechanisms to provide society with access opportunities to higher education, and to sustain economic growth.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Karim Naama ◽  
◽  
◽  

With the start of the revolution of January 2011 until 2013, many indicators and economic research confirms the entry of the Egyptian economy to a stage of deterioration. With the military council headed by Marshal Tantawi taking over the country, the growth of the economy fell remarkably to less than 2% Unemployment reached over 10%, and the fiscal deficit increased to 8.6% of GDP, which was accompanied by inflation of 11%. That one of the biggest economic mistakes committed by the government system is to keep the exchange rate of the pound fixed, which led to the depletion of about $ 20 billion of cash reserves between December 2010 to May 2012, which has negatively affected the rating of Egyptian Institutions International Finance. After that, Egypt’s economic situation during the rule of Mohammed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, which can be described as lacking in experience in the management of the state. The political challenges and obstacles, as well as the absence of any economic plan, contributed to the increasing complexity of the economic situation of Egypt, Resulting in a rise in the unemployment rate to 12.5%. The Brotherhood’s government failed to provide resources to cope with the crisis, relying only on the collection of aid and subsidies from some regimes in the Middle East, resulting in worsening conditions until the army intervened and President Mohamed Morsi was removed on 3 July 2013. With the arrival of interim President Adli Mansour to power in August 2013, we note that the Egyptian economy witnessed a slight improvement, which was reflected according to the published report that Egypt received about 12 billion dollars in foreign aid from Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, However, the economic growth rate remained below 2% as unemployment and inflation continued to spread.


Author(s):  
Brian E. Loveman

Latin America’s armed forces have played a central role in the region’s political history. This selective annotated bibliography focuses on key sources, with varying theoretical, empirical, and normative treatments of the military governments in the region, from the Cuban Revolution (1959) until the end of the Cold War (1989–1990). The article is limited to those cases in which military governments or “civil-military” governments were in power. This excludes personalist dictatorships, party dictatorships, and civilian governments in which the armed forces exercised considerable influence but did not rule directly. No pretense is made of comprehensiveness or of treating the “causes” of military coups (a vast literature) and of civil-military relations under civilian governments. Likewise, the closely related topics of guerrilla movements during this period, human rights violations under the military governments, US policy and support for many of the military governments, and the transitions back to civilian government (including “transitional justice”) are not covered in depth, but some of the selections do treat these topics and direct the reader to a more extensive literature on these subjects. Long-term military governments, with changing leadership in most cases, controlled eleven Latin American nations for significant periods from 1964 to 1990: Ecuador, 1963–1966 and 1972–1978; Guatemala, 1963–1985 (with an interlude from 1966–1969); Brazil, 1964–1985; Bolivia, 1964–1970 and 1971–1982; Argentina, 1966–1973 and 1976–1983; Peru, 1968–1980; Panama, 1968–1989; Honduras, 1963–1966 and 1972–1982; Chile, 1973–1990; and Uruguay, 1973–1984. In El Salvador the military dominated the government from 1948 until 1984, but the last “episode” was from 1979 to 1984. Military governments, though inevitably authoritarian, implemented varying economic, social, and foreign policies. They had staunch supporters and intense opponents, and they were usually subject to internal factionalism and ideological as well as policy disagreements. The sources discussed in this article reflect that diversity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-133
Author(s):  
Adalmir Antonio Marquetti ◽  
Cecilia Hoff ◽  
Alessandro Miebach

The PT governments combined elements of developmentalism and neoliberalism in a contradictory construction, organizing a large political coalition of workers and capitalists that allowed expanding the real wage and reducing poverty and inequality while maintaining the gains of productive and financing capitals. The decline of profitability after the 2008 crisis broke the class coalition constructed during Lula’s administration. The Dilma Rousseff government adopted a series of fiscal stimuli for private capital accumulation with meager economic growth. After her reelection, the government implemented an austerity program that resulted in negative growth rates. With the deepening economic crisis and without political support, Rousseff was removed from power. Os governos do PT combinaram elementos de desenvolvimentismo e neoliberalismo em uma construção contraditória, organizando uma grande coalizão política de trabalhadores e capitalistas que permitiu expandir o salário real e reduzir a pobreza e a desigualdade, mantendo os ganhos dos capitais produtivos e financeiros. O declínio da lucratividade após a crise de 2008 quebrou a coalizão de classes construída durante o governo Lula. O governo Dilma Rousseff adotou uma série de estímulos fiscais para a acumulação de capital privado com escasso crescimento econômico. Após sua reeleição, o governo implementou um programa de austeridade que resultou em taxas de crescimento negativas. Com o aprofundamento da crise econômica e sem apoio político, Dilma foi afastada do poder.


1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pilar Vergara

The economic and social strategy developed by the democratic governments in Chile since 1990 has been based on the premise that free-market policies promoting growth and economic stability must continue, but should be combined with social policies designed to promote greater equality. This new set of policies produced quick and positive results in the context of strong economic growth. The reduction of poverty was its crowning achievement. However, not all the Concertación's redistributive efforts have enjoyed the same level of success. Inequalities in income distribution are again increasing. Significant segments of society, such as subsistence farmers, rural migrants to cities, women and youth who lack vocational training—as well as an important segment of the middle class that had been impoverished during the military regime—are being systematically marginalized from the benefits of economic growth and social policy. The fundamental problems of current Chilean social policy are rooted in the privatization of social sectors under the military government and the resulting dual model of social welfare.


Africa ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Hart

AbstractIn 1979 Nigeria's military government held the first general elections for fifteen years. The politicians then resumed power under a republican constitution. The National Party of Nigeria, a conservative coalition, narrowly won the elections from four other parties and virtually controlled the next elections in 1983. There were five election rounds: for the President, for nine-teen state governers, for the Senate, for the House of Representatives and for the state assemblies. Increases over the 1979 vote in the presidential round indicated some rigging. Results in the following rounds were incredible. The root cause was northern reluctance within the National Party to honour an agreement to a southern presidential candidate at the next elections in 1987 and southern competition for the 1987 nomination. After the elections the courts failed to redress the rigging and the President to purge corrupt Ministers. The military then overthrew the government and resumed control.


2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 87-100
Author(s):  
Kwon Huck Ju

Development strategies based on neoliberal theories and good governance have failed to achieved clear outcomes. This paper examines the Saemaul Undong movement in Korea with the contention that it can provide a missing link between market- and state-oriented development policy. Saemaul Undong contributed to social and economic development in Korea not only as a self-help community movement but also as a mechanism of social inclusion. Its success was based on a social structure that was made more open to upward mobility by the land reform of the 1950s. A negative aspect of Saemaul Undong is that it was promoted by the government to mobilize political support for authoritarian President Park Chung Hee. In order to draw policy implications from Saemaul Undong for international development, it is necessary to consider the social and political context of the developing countries under consideration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-307
Author(s):  
E. Yudina

The state’s desire in recent years to carry out activities to oust the Russian market of imported goods and various materials and equipment is a positive sign and significant step in the direction of transition of the Russian economy from commodity–monetary to real, based on deep processing of raw materials, but also restore previously lost technologies and the formation of new products and development on the basis of existing scientific and technical potential. Undoubtedly, this is of particular importance, especially in the military-industrial complex-not to be dependent on foreign components, materials and equipment, especially in the conditions of ongoing sanctions. This also applies to such industries as the cable industry, in which the scientific, technical and financial realities of implementing the import substitution policy in the cable industry are important, both on the part of the government and on the part of manufacturers themselves. The article presents the main problems of import substitution in the cable industry. The characteristic of the program and the main activities of EKZ JSC in the framework of import substitution of cable products are presented. Based on the results, a conclusion is made about the role of import substitution in the cable industry.


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