Unveiling the Unseen: The Role of the Gulf over the Sudanese Transition Period

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Fall 2021) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Mehmet Rakipoğlu

Sudan, an African-Arab country, has in recent years been witnessing the political transformation process of the revolution-coup spiral. The Sudanese people, who overthrew the 30-year-old regime, are not satisfied with the revolution that came into power in 2019. This new conjuncture, which can barely be called a revolution, did not solve the structural problems such as corruption, unemployment, injustice, or inability to rule. Therefore, the fire of revolution and the desire for democracy have not yet died out in Sudan. However, the role of external and internal actors influencing the country’s transformation process deserves scrutiny. In this sense, this piece seeks to answer the question of how Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have been actively involved in and diverting the transformation process in Sudan. The main claim of the study is that the Saudi-UAE axis is diligent in establishing an authoritarian military regime in Sudan. The notions of secularization and normalization with Israel stand out among the projects that the UAE is trying to implement in Sudan. The UAE and Saudi Arabia, using petro-dollar as a tool, are directly engaging in Sudan’s transition period.

Author(s):  
Seyedmohammad Seyedi Asl ◽  
Hazar Leylanoğlu ◽  
Ataollah Bahremani ◽  
Shalaleh Zabardastalamdari

In this study, using the descriptive-analytical method, we discuss the main factors in the formation of the Yemen crisis, as well as the attitudes of the two Arab states and of the two neighboring countries, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, in the Yemen crisis. It is concluded that this crisis stems not only from the role of local actors, but also from the role of regional and global actors, who played a decisive role in shaping and exacerbating the Yemen crisis. Regional players in the post-2015 crisis include the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, which showed contradictory behavior. Saudi Arabia's targets in its attack on Yemen have a greater military and security dimension. The political and economic objectives of the United Arab Emirates, which is Riyadh's most important ally in this war, have been at a different level from those of Saudi Arabia. This can be seen in Abu Dubai Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed's aspirations to expand his country's influence, to become a major player in the region.


2018 ◽  
pp. 117-140
Author(s):  
Don Rassler

Don Rassler’s chapter documents the contemporary knowledge of the Haqqani network in the context of its establishment and early infrastructure development, especially in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia. In looking at this yet another transnational jihadi network between South Asia and the Gulf born during the anti-Soviet jihad, the chapter revolves around mujahidin commander Jalaluddin Haqqani and his ties to the two countries. Tracing the comparative dynamics and evolution of these ties, the chapter sketches the development of the Haqqani network in both countries highlighting the importance of the role of religious and private social networks. It emphasizes on the greater importance of institutional factors in the case of the UAE as well as the ambiguous approach of the Saudi establishment towards Haqqani.


2016 ◽  
pp. 109-122
Author(s):  
V. Shved

The article analyses the role of the “Arab Spring” as the beginning of long time process of deep transformation changes in the Arab World. Special attention is paid to understanding of particularities of contemporary stage of the above-mentioned post-revolutionary period. The article also studies such actual problems as internal and external aspects of defeat of the first wave of the contemporary Arab revolutions, content and direction of contemporary change of format of the Arab Spring and results of acute sharpening of the Sunni-Shiite confrontation. It also studies reasons and purposes of the direct Russian intervention in the Syrian conflict. The analysis values of the Tunisian development model transformation prospects for democratic renewal of Arab society and identified the reasons why after the "Arab Spring" Tunisia became virtually the only Arab country which has been extended and deepened the democratic process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 114 ◽  
pp. 303-310
Author(s):  
Jan Jeżewski

THE GENESIS OF THE SUPERVISORY STRUCTURE OF TERRITORIAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE DEPARTMENT IN FRANCEThe aim of the article is to discuss the close relationship between the centralization of the state system and the maintenance of power — based on the research presented in the excellent work of Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the Revolution. Tocqueville skilfully combined two aspects perceived in the discussion about the genesis of supervision over territorial self-government: the aspect of protection of human and civil rights and the aspect of the Revolution, that took over most of the changes that strengthened the centralism with which the monarchy built up the structure of maintaining power. The aim of the considerations discussed here is to recall the relatively rarely mentioned passages of the texts, that justify the decisive assessments with which Tocqueville closed the analysis of the systemic practice of the monarchy in various fields, showing the timeless role of centralization in strengthening absolute power. Among the several described situations, the importance of independent courts in the protection of individual rights should be emphasized. The article is closed with the summary of the phases of systemic transformation of supervision over the department’s self-government in France.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen

This article assesses the role of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) in the framework of South-South Cooperation. It charts the different phases of engagement between the Gulf States and other developing countries, and the shifting dynamics that underpinned them. These phrases demonstrated profound changes that reflected policymaking calibrations in response to  domestic, regional and international catalysts. When read together, the internal and external forces that press upon the GCC States shape the analytical perspective of this article. Further, these internal and external pressures  shaped the Gulf States’ contributions to South-South Cooperation, and framed the intra-regional and international  realignments within which GCC  engagements took place.


Author(s):  
Natalia Zarbailov ◽  

During the COVID-19 pandemic in the WHO European Region, primary care underwent continuous transformation that proved the important role of this medical fi eld. In diff erent countries, the transformation process has gone diff erently and diff erent goals and objectives were determned. Th e narrative review was conducted using a number of 15 publications, pragmatic and action-oriented, describing the policy instruments that countries have implemented to strengthen the role of primary health care during the pandemic response, as well as to maintain essential health. Th e case studies, published in series by WHO, were analyzed and evaluated in terms of common and country-specifi c trends in the WHO European region. Interventions described in WHO publications focused on the following areas: Strengthening governance and legislative frameworks; Strengthening the workforce, multidisciplinary team; Community and distance services; E-health and digital solutions; and Prevention, health promotion and education programs. Regardless of the results obtained, the continuous transformation of primary health care in different countries in the WHO European Region during the COVID-19 pandemic has allowed the adjustment of medical services provided to the situation created and contextual to the health system. Th is transition period allowed the learning of a number of lessons, both general and specifi c to specifi c countries. By presenting the crucial role of primary health care during the pandemic and beyond, the cases described by WHO have enabled the exchange of experience between countries to inspire policy action and accelerate long-term reforms in primary health care


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tsuyoshi Hasegawa

A.B. Nikolaev’s book has not received much attention either in the West or in Russia, but it is an important book that has significantly changed our understanding the February Revolution of 1917. Nikolaev’s meticulously researched monograph, based on a wide array of new sources, challenges the previously dominant interpretation that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (Duma Committee) was forced to seize power only to stem the tide of the insurgency from below. He argues that the Duma Committee was from its inception clear about its intention to overthrow the old regime and to create a new power to replace it even before the Petrograd Soviet was formed. The Duma Committee played a crucial role in prompting military units to take the side of the revolution, in steering the insurgents to the State Duma, in creating the Military Commission to organize insurgents to occupy strategic positions in the city, in taking over the food supply commission to feed the insurgents, in attacking and destroying the tsarist police, while preventing and suppressing potentially dangerous anarchical pogroms, and in taking control over the imperial bureaucracy. Nikolaev also raises an interesting question about the relationship between the Duma Committee, the State Duma and the Provisional Government by arguing that the Provisional Government made a hasty and cardinal mistake in cutting its relationship with the State Duma. This book is a landmark in the interpretation of the February Revolution, and especially of the role of the Duma liberals in the revolution.


2021 ◽  
pp. 163-170
Author(s):  
Timothy Tackett

The Conclusion brings together many of the most important themes of the book. It underlines the extent to which the great majority of Parisians—and no doubt the French population more generally—in no way anticipated the Revolution. It notes the near absence of any direct influence before the Revolution of the canonical “Enlightenment” on an intelligent and well-read member of the elite like Colson—except in the most general sense of an openness to very practical reforms. It documents the complete absence of a putative “desacralization” of the monarchy before 1789—sometimes argued by historians to link the Old Regime with the Revolution. It describes Colson’s long, patient, and forgiving support for the king, at least until his attempted flight in 1791. It also underscores the incessant circulation and power of rumors of impending disasters in Paris, not just in the summer of 1789 (during “the Great Fear”), but also as they continued from the autumn of 1789 throughout the Revolution, and how such rumors affected popular psychology and behavior. Finally, it stresses the strong popular resistance in Paris, even among the great majority of the “sans-culottes” radicals, to “dechristianization”—and the possible role of the attack on religion in the failure of many such radicals to support Robespierre on the 9th of Thermidor (July 27,1794).


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Ali Muhtarom

This article describes the Indonesian Moslem responses to the institution of transnational Islamic education of Salafi and ShiaShia in Indonesia. This can not be separated from the role of Saudi Arabia and Iran in the establishment of these educational institutions. The main objective of the Salafi’s education is to purify the form of Islam practiced by Indonesia Moslems. Meanwhile the main objective of the ShiaShia’s education is to introduce the ShiaShia Islamic thought, notably after the revolution of Iran in 1979. There are two responses on transnational Islamic Education from Indonesian Moslems. The first is rejection that represents the puritanist and traditionalist group. The puritanist group are DDII, Persis, Al-Irsyad, and FUUI. ShiaShiaMeanwhile, the traditionalist group especifically inherited by some figures of Nahdlatul Ulama as a form of maintaining the local religious tradition and culture. The second is acceptance that is shown by the moderate Moslems in Indonesia. This group includes Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama that need to promote understanding of tolerance ShiaShia.


2018 ◽  
pp. 141-154
Author(s):  
Antonio Giustozzi

Antonio Giustozzi’s chapter charts out the reactionary policies of Gulf monarchies to the evolving regional politics in Afghanistan and to changing perceptions of American hegemony post 2003. It traces the post-9/11 funding of the Afghan Taliban sourcing from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. The competition between Iran and these Sunni funders in buying hegemony in the region is explored as also the competitive dynamics amongst the Sunni funders themselves, particularly the Saudis and Qataris. The role of Pakistan in lobbying for the involvement of the Gulf powers in nurturing the Afghan Taliban while simultaneously pursuing the ‘peace process’ is equally scrutinized. Finally, the complications caused by Pakistan’s conciliatory approach towards the Iranian presence along with the Taliban and a subsequent fallout between the Gulf and Pakistani agendas are explained.


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