Multinational Mujahidin

2018 ◽  
pp. 117-140
Author(s):  
Don Rassler

Don Rassler’s chapter documents the contemporary knowledge of the Haqqani network in the context of its establishment and early infrastructure development, especially in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia. In looking at this yet another transnational jihadi network between South Asia and the Gulf born during the anti-Soviet jihad, the chapter revolves around mujahidin commander Jalaluddin Haqqani and his ties to the two countries. Tracing the comparative dynamics and evolution of these ties, the chapter sketches the development of the Haqqani network in both countries highlighting the importance of the role of religious and private social networks. It emphasizes on the greater importance of institutional factors in the case of the UAE as well as the ambiguous approach of the Saudi establishment towards Haqqani.

Author(s):  
Seyedmohammad Seyedi Asl ◽  
Hazar Leylanoğlu ◽  
Ataollah Bahremani ◽  
Shalaleh Zabardastalamdari

In this study, using the descriptive-analytical method, we discuss the main factors in the formation of the Yemen crisis, as well as the attitudes of the two Arab states and of the two neighboring countries, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, in the Yemen crisis. It is concluded that this crisis stems not only from the role of local actors, but also from the role of regional and global actors, who played a decisive role in shaping and exacerbating the Yemen crisis. Regional players in the post-2015 crisis include the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, which showed contradictory behavior. Saudi Arabia's targets in its attack on Yemen have a greater military and security dimension. The political and economic objectives of the United Arab Emirates, which is Riyadh's most important ally in this war, have been at a different level from those of Saudi Arabia. This can be seen in Abu Dubai Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed's aspirations to expand his country's influence, to become a major player in the region.


2022 ◽  
pp. 223386592110729
Author(s):  
Attasit Pankaew ◽  
Suppawit Kaewkhunok

China's rising role in South Asia has contributed significantly to the changing geopolitics and geo-economics of the region. Nepal is one of the countries where relations with China have dramatically changed from 2015 till pre-pandemic. This study focuses on analyzing Nepal's foreign policy shifts towards neighboring China and India through a framework of neoclassical realism. It argues that Nepal's foreign policy against neighboring countries has changed since the India-Nepal conflict in 2015, where China has become a key option within Nepal's new foreign policy context. Changes in China's foreign policy and the victory of the Nepal Communist Party are among the key factors in enhancing relations between the two countries. However, it doesn't mean that Nepal took side with China and abandoned India. The article suggests that China's rise has a positive effect on Nepal as an option to balancing intra-regional power and opportunities for infrastructure development within the country.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen

This article assesses the role of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) in the framework of South-South Cooperation. It charts the different phases of engagement between the Gulf States and other developing countries, and the shifting dynamics that underpinned them. These phrases demonstrated profound changes that reflected policymaking calibrations in response to  domestic, regional and international catalysts. When read together, the internal and external forces that press upon the GCC States shape the analytical perspective of this article. Further, these internal and external pressures  shaped the Gulf States’ contributions to South-South Cooperation, and framed the intra-regional and international  realignments within which GCC  engagements took place.


2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Boyle

In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), immigrants constitute nearly 90% of the population. Most are adults who come from South Asia and who are ESL users of English. The paper suggests that the English speaking community in the UAE is at the stage of pre-koinéization, one in which there is an increase in transparency with regard to features which are overly complex for ESL speakers. The very small number of children in the immigrant community and the instability of the community are constraints on the process of pre-koinéization, but this paper nevertheless suggests that there are users of acrolectal English who strive for greater transparency, and it provides examples of three ways in which they are doing so. These are through the extension of verb complementation patterns, the extension of patterns of transitivity, and the extension of the pluralization of nouns, and these changes are well documented in postcolonial Englishes (Schneider 2007). The data are drawn from a corpus of 3.3 million words of acrolectal written English.


Author(s):  
Henri Gooren

Different varieties of Pentecostalism are successful in Latin America, where Chile, Brazil, and the Central American countries are now 20 to 30 percent Protestant. This chapter analyzes conversion processes and social networks in Latin America by comparing the two extremes of Pentecostal growth. Paraguay is arguably the least Pentecostalized country in the region, whereas Chile is one of the most Pentecostal. Based on recent ethnographic fieldwork research in Asunción and Santiago de Chile, the chapter first reviews the literature on Pentecostal growth in Latin America and establishes the main growth periods of Pentecostalism in both countries, identifying some of the most successful churches. Next, it analyzes the role of conversion in these churches by drawing on the conversion career approach, using quotes from life history interviews. Individual, contextual, and institutional factors (like doctrine, ritual, organization, and evangelization methods) are explored, as well as the role of the new converts’ social networks. The conclusion offers a new theoretical framework for analyzing the role of social networks in Pentecostal conversion for the Chile and Paraguay cases and for Latin America in general.


2018 ◽  
pp. 141-154
Author(s):  
Antonio Giustozzi

Antonio Giustozzi’s chapter charts out the reactionary policies of Gulf monarchies to the evolving regional politics in Afghanistan and to changing perceptions of American hegemony post 2003. It traces the post-9/11 funding of the Afghan Taliban sourcing from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. The competition between Iran and these Sunni funders in buying hegemony in the region is explored as also the competitive dynamics amongst the Sunni funders themselves, particularly the Saudis and Qataris. The role of Pakistan in lobbying for the involvement of the Gulf powers in nurturing the Afghan Taliban while simultaneously pursuing the ‘peace process’ is equally scrutinized. Finally, the complications caused by Pakistan’s conciliatory approach towards the Iranian presence along with the Taliban and a subsequent fallout between the Gulf and Pakistani agendas are explained.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Fall 2021) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Mehmet Rakipoğlu

Sudan, an African-Arab country, has in recent years been witnessing the political transformation process of the revolution-coup spiral. The Sudanese people, who overthrew the 30-year-old regime, are not satisfied with the revolution that came into power in 2019. This new conjuncture, which can barely be called a revolution, did not solve the structural problems such as corruption, unemployment, injustice, or inability to rule. Therefore, the fire of revolution and the desire for democracy have not yet died out in Sudan. However, the role of external and internal actors influencing the country’s transformation process deserves scrutiny. In this sense, this piece seeks to answer the question of how Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have been actively involved in and diverting the transformation process in Sudan. The main claim of the study is that the Saudi-UAE axis is diligent in establishing an authoritarian military regime in Sudan. The notions of secularization and normalization with Israel stand out among the projects that the UAE is trying to implement in Sudan. The UAE and Saudi Arabia, using petro-dollar as a tool, are directly engaging in Sudan’s transition period.


2018 ◽  
pp. 167-182
Author(s):  
V. Shved

The article is an attempt to analyze foreign policy, security and economic preconditions of creation of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf and basic beginnings of its historicaldevelopment. Its appearance became the result of internal, regional and international processes during 70-80 years of the XX century which not only created necessary objective conditions ofappearance of the above-mentioned integration organization in the Arabian peninsula but also defined its main particularities, resistance ability and vulnerable points. The 1979 Iran Islamic revolution,signing of the Camp David Accords, the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war, the USSR aggression in Afghanistan played a decisive role in the appearance of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The article researched the results and particularities of four periods in the development of the above-mentioned integration organization. The article pays special role to understanding of basic objective and subjective factors of the contemporary Qatar crisis and ways of its solving. The article also found out that the main reason that lead to the Qatar crisis was sharpening of serious acute competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the context of the Middle East region. The conclusion is made that the last 38-th summit of the Gulf Cooperation Council “freezed” for some time contemporary state of relations with Qatar, outlined principle directions of deepening of integration processes inside the Gulf Cooperation Council as well as strengthened the role of its nucleus – union of Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Atta -ul Mustafa ◽  
Ali Usman Saleem ◽  
Qasim Shafiq
Keyword(s):  

With Dirk C. Van Raemdonck's theory of 'tridimensional game of chess in South Asia', this study explores how the Great Game of chess has encompassed the board of Afghanistan into the strategic and economical range of global as well as local nations. In this regard, this study delimits Zia Haider Rahman's 'In the Light of What We Know' to examine the role of great (US, India), little (Pakistan, Saudi Arabia), and local (ISI, UNAMA, AfDARI, militants, etc.) players respectively. The three-level players struggle to win their politicoeconomic and geostrategic motives. The delimited novel exposes that the little and local players are playing the game of proxy to fetch their own designs. This study concludes that great global players/forces ensnare little and local players and misuse them as white and/or black pieces respectively to win their gains.


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