scholarly journals Racial demographics explain the link between racial disparities in traffic stops and county-level racial attitudes

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierce D. Ekstrom ◽  
Joel Michel Le Forestier ◽  
Calvin K. Lai

Disparities in the treatment of Black and White Americans in police stops are pernicious and widespread. We examine racial disparities in police traffic stops by leveraging data on traffic stops from hundreds of U.S. counties from the Stanford Open Policing Project and corresponding county-level data on implicit and explicit racial attitudes from the Project Implicit research website. We find that Black-White traffic stop disparities are associated with county-level implicit and explicit racial attitudes and that this association is attributable to racial demographics: counties with a higher proportion of White residents had larger racial disparities in police traffic stops. We also examined racial disparities in several post-stop outcomes (e.g., arrest rates) and found that they were not systematically related to racial attitudes, despite evidence of disparities. These findings indicate that racial disparities in counties’ traffic stops are reliably linked to counties’ racial attitudes and demographic compositions.

Author(s):  
Michael Tesler

An expansive body of research known as racial priming consistently shows that media and campaign content can make racial attitudes more important factors in Americans’ political evaluations. Despite the well-established racial priming findings, though, there are some lingering questions about this line of research that have not been adequately settled by the extant literature. Perhaps the most frequently debated issue involves the effectiveness of implicit and explicit racial appeals. Can explicit appeals that directly invoke race and/or racial stereotypes, for example, effectively activate racial attitudes in white Americans’ political opinions? Or do racial appeals have to be implicit in nature, making only coded references to race in order to prime racially conservative support for political candidates and public policies? Along with this important topic, there are additional questions raised by the existing racial priming research, which include: Who is most susceptible to racial priming? Are political attacks on other minority groups, such as Muslims and Latinos, as potent as the appeals to anti-black stereotypes and resentments upon which the racial priming research is based? How did Obama’s presidency, which both heightened the salience of race in political discourse and increased the importance of racial attitudes in Americans’ partisan preferences, affect the media’s ability to prime race-based considerations in mass political evaluations?


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shytierra Gaston ◽  
Jamein P. Cunningham ◽  
Rob Gillezeau

In 2015 and 2016, U.S. homicide rates rose dramatically amid two historic social phenomena: a police legitimacy crisis related to an alleged “Ferguson effect” and the opioid epidemic. To empirically explain this increase, we compile county-level data on race/ethnic-specific homicides from 2014 to 2016 along with contemporaneous county-level data on police killings of civilians, citizen protests, fatal drug overdoses, structural disadvantage, and other factors. Regression analysis suggests that both police illegitimacy and the drug epidemic contributed to Black and White homicide rises, particularly in structurally disadvantaged counties. However, we find no such association for Hispanic homicide increases.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cydney Schleiden ◽  
Kristy L. Soloski ◽  
Kaitlyn Milstead ◽  
Abby Rhynehart

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Gilens

Crime and welfare are now widely viewed as “coded” issues that activate white Americans' negative views of blacks without explicitly raising the “race card.” But does the desire of whites to combat crime or curtail welfare really stem from their dislike of blacks? Are these not pressing problems about which Americans rightly should be concerned—apart from any associations these issues may have with race? In this paper I assess the extent to which white Americans' opposition to welfare is rooted in their attitudes toward blacks. Using conventional survey modeling techniques and a randomized survey-based experiment from a national telephone survey, I find that racial attitudes are the single most important influence on whites' welfare views. I also show that whites hold similar views of comparably described black and white welfare mothers, but that negative views of black welfare mothers are more politically potent, generating greater opposition to welfare than comparable views of white welfare mothers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 116 (17) ◽  
pp. 8255-8260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Travis Riddle ◽  
Stacey Sinclair

There are substantial gaps in educational outcomes between black and white students in the United States. Recently, increased attention has focused on differences in the rates at which black and white students are disciplined, finding that black students are more likely to be seen as problematic and more likely to be punished than white students are for the same offense. Although these disparities suggest that racial biases are a contributor, no previous research has shown associations with psychological measurements of bias and disciplinary outcomes. We show that county-level estimates of racial bias, as measured using data from approximately 1.6 million visitors to the Project Implicit website, are associated with racial disciplinary disparities across approximately 96,000 schools in the United States, covering around 32 million white and black students. These associations do not extend to sexuality biases, showing the specificity of the effect. These findings suggest that acknowledging that racial biases and racial disparities in education go hand-in-hand may be an important step in resolving both of these social ills.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marleen Stelter ◽  
Iniobong Essien ◽  
Carsten Sander ◽  
Juliane Degner

Racial disparities in policing are well documented, but the reasons for such disparities are often debated. The current research weighs in on this debate using a regional-level bias framework: We investigate the link between racial disparities in police traffic stops and regional-level racial bias, employing data from over 130 million police traffic stops in 1,413 US counties and county-level measures of racial bias from over 2 million online participants. Compared to county demographics, Black drivers were stopped at disproportionate rates in the majority of counties. Crucially, disproportionate stopping of Black drivers was higher in counties with higher levels of racial prejudice by White residents (rs = 0.07 -0.36). Furthermore, county-level aggregates of Whites’ threat-related stereotypes were less consistent in predicting disproportionate stopping (rs = 0.00 -0.19). These observed relationships between regional-level bias and racial disparities in policing highlight the importance of context in which police operate.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 146 (Supplement 4) ◽  
pp. S330.2-S331
Author(s):  
Timothy Chow ◽  
Jeffrey Chambliss

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