scholarly journals INEQUALITY AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lali Kapanadze ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Natural Phenomenon ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Remote Past ◽  
People Today

According to Cambridge dictionary, in 2017 the most popular word was Populism. What is Populism? – Is it achievement of our era, or its roots comes from our remote past? According to scientific research, populism existed in ancient Roman period as an ideological political movement known as the Populist Party. It expressed the interests of ordinary people. Today populism is a natural phenomenon of Democratic political regimes. Populist perception is a special democratic component of political culture, that is realized by the population who are involved in political movements. The amplitude of its usage is so diverse that it’s difficult to find an exact scientific definition. Today populism is a main political phenomenon and is mainly used during pre-election periods, political debates and with the purpose of convincing or manipulating consciousness of society. In addition, political leaders often use aggressive national-populist rhetoric.

scholarly journals Rhythm Politics in a Changing Brazil: A Study of the Musical Mobilization of Voters by Bolsonaro and Haddad in the 2018 Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjetil Klette Bøhler
Keyword(s):  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Public Events ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Musical Rhythms

This article investigates the role of music in presidential election campaigns and political movements inspired by theoretical arguments in Henri Lefebvre’s Rhythmanalysis, John Dewey ́s pragmatist rethinking of aesthetics and existing scholarship on the politics of music. Specifically, it explores how musical rhythms and melodies enable new forms of political awareness, participation, and critique in an increasingly polarized Brazil through an ethnomusicological exploration of how left-wing and right-wing movements used music to disseminate politics during the 2018 election that culminated in the presidency of Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Three lessons can be learned. First, in Brazil, music breathes life, energy, and affective engagement into politics—sung arguments and joyful rhythms enrich public events and street demonstrations in complex and dynamic ways. Second, music is used by right-wing and left-wing movements in unique ways. For Bolsonaro supporters and right-wing movements, jingles, produced as part of larger election campaigns, were disseminated through massive sound cars in the heart of São Paulo while demonstrators sang the national anthem and waved Brazilian flags. In contrast, leftist musical politics appears to be more spontaneous and bohemian. Third, music has the ability to both humanize and popularize bolsonarismo movements that threaten human rights and the rights of ethnic minorities, among others, in contemporary Brazil. To contest bolsonarismo, Trumpism, and other forms of extreme right-wing populism, we cannot close our ears and listen only to grooves of resistance and songs of freedom performed by leftists. We must also listen to the music of the right.

scholarly journals Editorial

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Karina Bénazech Wendling ◽  
Matthew Rowley
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Christian Culture ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right

Populism, like nationalism, can be found on the right as well as on the left-wing of the political spectrum. However, current political debates demonstrate how in recent years, nationalist and populist movements have advanced the preservation of Christian “roots” against a global cosmopolitanism. Right-wing populism thus tends to present itself as a guardian of Christian culture, or Judeo-Christian culture. However, there is a struggle over the definition and the ownership of this religious heritage. Whilst it is certainly possible to identify sources within the Protestant tradition that may legitimise support for right-wing populism, the questions this struggle raises often relate to particular intersections of culture, theology, perspectives on history as well as political thought. This special issue explores and critiques these intersections, employing theological, historical, and sociological methods. While the main perspective is that of cross-disciplinary reflections on the fraught relationship between Protestantism and right-wing populism, it also examines the evolution of broader connections between Christianity and nationalism through time.

scholarly journals The Misogyny of Authoritarians in Contemporary Democracies

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nitasha Kaul
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Politics Of Identity ◽  
Global Projects ◽  
Global North ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Argument Proceeds

Abstract Contemporary democracy in multiple countries has been under assault from what has been variously called right-wing populism, authoritarian populism, cultural majoritarianism, new nativism, new nationalism, quasi-fascism, and neo-fascism. While the authoritarian behaviors of several electorally legitimated leaders in these countries have been in focus, their misogyny is seen as merely an incidental part of their personality. This article highlights the centrality of misogyny in legitimating the political goals and regimes of a set of leaders in contemporary democracies—Trump, Modi, Bolsonaro, Duterte, and Erdogan (all but Trump are still in power)—in countries from across Global North/South, non-West/West, with mixed populations and different majority religions. The argument proceeds as follows. First, I clarify the conceptualization of misogyny and explain why it matters. Second, I demonstrate the substantive misogyny of political leaders who are/have been heads of hegemonic right-wing political projects in five contemporary democracies (Trumpism, Modification, Bolsonarismo, Dutertismo, and Erdoganism). Third, I put forward three systematic ways in which misogyny works as an effective political strategy for these projects, by enabling a certain politics of identity to demonize opponents as feminine/inferior/anti-national, scavenging upon progressive ideas (rather than rejecting them) and distorting them, and sustaining and defending a militarized masculinist approach to policy and delegitimizing challenges to it. This article, thus, contributes to the literature on how masculinity, misogyny, and gender norms more broadly intersect with political legitimacy, by arguing for understanding the analytic centrality of misogyny to the exercise of political power in multiple global projects.

scholarly journals STATE AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM: ANALYSIS ON THE KEMENKO POLHUKAM RI PERSUASION APPROACH IN RESPONDING THE WAVE OF “212” MOVEMENT

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-34
Author(s):  
Dinda Rizkimawati ◽  
Indra Kusumawardhana
Keyword(s):  
Capital City ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Domestic Security ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Masses

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama’s blasphemy case reaped various reactions and criticisms. In the “Action of Defending Islam 212”, where Muslims in Indonesia expressed their anger, the masses demanded that religious blasphemers be brought to justice. It caused a series of demonstrations in Indonesia and instability in their domestic security, especially Jakarta as the capital city. This movement was widely known as the wave of right-wing populism in Indonesia. To respond to an extreme right-wing political movement in Indonesian society, the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal, and Security made efforts to persuade the community after the movement. This effort was significant in managing the widening of the narrative and reminding those who used the approach anchor base or key people and communities to help spread the message.

Indian Debates on the International Left: Selected Writings of Lajpat Rai

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirin Rai ◽  
Anand Prakash
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Progressive Change ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One

This book traces the Indian Left’s engagement with the international communist debates of the 1960s and 1970s, shedding new light on the fault lines within the Left as well as on its international solidarities. Lajpat Rai argued for rethinking established leftist positions, seeking inspiration in experiment and developing creative approaches for the sustainability of socialist ideas and ideals. The contemporary relevance of these debates is significant as the Left remains without a sharp response to the rise of neoliberalism and right-wing populism in India, and a failure of the Left to recognize the challenges emanating from a strongly integrated and organized finance capital on the one hand and the increasingly self-aware identity politics on the other. Democratic opposition rather than a bureaucratic thinking needs to be the backbone of any meaningful Left struggle. Lajpat Rai’s passionate writing gives expression to the spirit and intensity of political debates at the time and the role of the Left intelligentsia in comprehending, from a committed socialist angle, the shifting paradigms of an unstable world to help bring about progressive change.

scholarly journals The Prospects of Radical Change Today

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 476-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Slavoj Žižek
Keyword(s):  
Radical Change ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Marine Le Pen ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Inert Mass ◽  
Right Wing Populism

In this contribution, Slavoj Žižek takes the occasion of Marx’s bicentenary for reflecting on the prospects of radical change today. First, it is shown that under Stalinism, Lenin’s works were quoted out of context in an arbitrary way in order to legitimise arbitrary political measures. Marxism thereby became an ideology that justified brutal subjective interventions. Second, this contribution poses the question of the revolutionary subject and democracy today. It stresses the role of both contingency and strategy in revolutions. In political assemblages taking place on public squares, the inert mass of ordinary people is transubstantiated into a politically engaged united force. The basic political problem today is how to best reconfigure democracy. Third, this contribution analyses the “interesting times” we live in. These are times that feature multiple crises, right-wing populism à la Donald Trump and Marine Le Pen, the lower classes’ opposition to immigration, and the refugee crisis. Questions about human rights and their violation and about radical change need to be asked in this context.

scholarly journals The precarity of critique: Cultures of mistrust and the refusal of justification

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Witte
Keyword(s):  
Modern Society ◽  
Second Step ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Bruno Latour ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Cultural Foundations ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Right Wing Populism

The paper reflects on recent developments towards authoritarianism and right-wing populism that have become apparent in a number of Western societies and aims at pinpointing possible cultural foundations for this trend. Using the example of the German PEGIDA movement and the wider milieu in which it is embedded, it identifies and describes a rapidly spreading culture of mistrust and discusses some of its political and epistemological implications. In a second step, the paper draws on Luc Boltanski?s theory of justification in order to attain a better understanding of this political movement?s specificities. It is argued that it is a quasi-violent refusal of justification which is constitutive for the movement in question, thereby transcending the reach of Boltanski?s framework to some extent. In a third step, a closer look is taken at the epistemological paradox that results from the fact that a number of the PEGIDA movement?s crucial points of criticism are effectively shared by a larger part of the overall population, raising severe problems for the question of sociological critique. The paper utilizes ideas by Bruno Latour in order to illuminate this paradox further and examine its consequences. It closes with remarks on the possibility to ?reassemble? trust and critique as crucial but contested - and, hence, precarious - foundations of modern society.

scholarly journals Discourse of the Securitization of Migration in France: from Republican Integration to Alarmism

2021 ◽  
Vol 107 (7) ◽  
pp. 125-134
Author(s):  
Jaroslavna Saraykina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
National Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Clear Tendency ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

Modern migration discourse contributes to the securitization of migration in France: it is transferred to the security field, endowed with threat connotations, and thus is becoming the direct cause of the security deficit. The agents of securitization (representatives of the country’s supreme power or right-wing political movements, or writers and essayists who recognize themselves as independent from any political party’s influence and who, however, still share the anti-immigration mood of the right-wing political movement. They use elements of the discourse of fear to achieve their own political goals; they present immigrants as a mortal threat not only to the national identity of the state and the integrity of its society, but also to its public and national security. In the discourse of these agents, there is a clear tendency to create an image of a France “abandoned” by the government and “besieged” by immigrants, a France as a subject to “colonization” by Islam that is incompatible with the secular principle the country that supports republican ideals. Analysis of the migration discourse of securitization agents reveals bold metaphors and emotionally charged expressions that generate a sense of fear in society and give rise to misconceptions about the scale of immigration and the size of the Muslim population in the country.

scholarly journals Immigration, Race, and Nation in the UK: The Politics of Belonging on Twitter

2021 ◽  
pp. 136078042110299
Author(s):  
Bindi V Shah ◽  
Jessica Ogden
Keyword(s):  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Symbolic Boundaries ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Temporal Proximity ◽  
Counter Narrative ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Immigration Attitudes ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
The Uk

At a time of rising right-wing populism, the heightened political salience of immigration as an issue is linked to conceptions of ‘the national’. In this article, we analyse tweets from non-elites, defined as isolated users with low network influence, engaged in a ‘conversation’ about migration on Twitter. We investigate the values embedded in these attitudes, and what these tell us about constructions and contestations of the symbolic boundaries of the nation among ordinary people. Our corpus includes tweets posted in temporal proximity to the lifting of transitional controls on Romanian and Bulgarian migrants in the UK (1 October 2013 to 1 March 2014). Thematic analysis reveals a cohesive set of anti-immigrant or anti-immigration sentiments linked to UKIP and that express an exclusionary nationalism based on assumptions about race, ‘whiteness’ and entitlement. Also evident is a counter-narrative of pro-immigration sentiments that draw on multiple and sometimes contradictory values. Some of these values contest racialised understandings of the nation but do not coalesce in ways to disrupt the dominance of right-wing anti-immigrant sentiments on Twitter. Our findings demonstrate the importance of investigating values embedded in both anti and pro-immigration attitudes among non-elites and what these values indicate about the possibilities of re-framing migration debates among non-elites in ways that construct more inclusive symbolic national boundaries. In addition, in using the networked properties of Twitter engagement to identify non-elite users, we make a methodological contribution to scholarship on immigration attitudes.

Main Forms of Propagandistic Activities of the Right-Wing Parties (1904–1914)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.

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