scholarly journals РАЗЛИЧНЫЙ АСПЕКТ (Рамзан Кадыров, Джохар Дудаев, Царь Грузии Георгий VII, Ибрагим I Ширваншах)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Купрашвили Генри
Keyword(s):  
Gene Pool ◽  
Critical Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Positive Role ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

At this stage of Chechen history, a politician appeared in the political arena who saved the history of the Chechen gene pool. I think personally that, willy-nilly or not, Ramzan Kadyrov had a chance to play a clearly positive role in the critical period of modern Chechen history, which, undoubtedly, will be objectively evaluated by history in a prosperous future. In this regard, the subject of discussion may be only one, consciously or unwittingly, he accepted such a choice. I am sure that unwittingly.

De Brusselse vereniging De Veldbloem zoekt toenadering tot Hendrik Conscience. Twee pas ontdekte brieven

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 276-289
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
De Man ◽  
First World

Het wordt in de historiografie van de Vlaamse beweging aanvaard dat Hendrik Conscience door de Brusselse progressieve vereniging ‘De Veldbloem’ in 1872 werd gevraagd om te kandideren voor de parlementaire verkiezingen. Conscience zou dat geweigerd hebben. Dit is uiteraard geen onbetekenend feit in de biografie van de man die ‘zijn volk leerde lezen’.Dit gegeven is terug te voeren op de geschriften van Antoon Jacob (°1889) van na de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Jacob werd beschouwd als een autoriteit inzake Conscience. Maar waar is het bewijs? Hij verwees daarbij naar “uitvoerige correspondentie” maar die is niet te vinden. Het ADVN slaagde erin om de archivalische nalatenschap van de in 1947 gestorven Jacob te verwerven. Daarin bleken heel wat brieven van en aan Conscience te zitten. De briefwisseling met ‘De Veldbloem’ was onderwerp van deze bijdrage. Daarin is geen spoor te vinden van de poging om Conscience op het politieke strijdtoneel te brengen in Brussel. Daarbij moet de vraag gesteld worden hoe Jacob deze archiefstukken verzamelde en wat ermee is gebeurd tijdens zijn turbulente leven en talrijke omzwervingen. Het is best mogelijk dat er een en ander is verloren gegaan. Toch is deze nalatenschap een belangrijke aanwinst voor de studie van de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging en die van Conscience in het bijzonder. ________ The Brussels association ‘De Veldbloem’ seeks contact with Hendrik Conscience. Two recently discovered letters It is an accepted fact in the historiography of the Flemish Movement that the Brussels progressive Association ‘De Veldbloem’ [=the Wildflower] asked Hendrik Conscience in 1872 to be their candidate for the parliamentary elections. It is said that Hendrik Conscience refused the request. This is of course a very significant fact in the biography of the man ‘who taught his people to read.’ This information may be inferred from the writings of Antoon Jacob (°1889) from the period after the First World War. Jacob was regarded as an authority on Conscience. But where is the evidence of this? In his claim, he referred to ‘extensive correspondence’, but that correspondence is not extant. The ADVN managed to acquire the archival legacy of Jacob who died in 1947. It turned out that it included quite a number of letters to and from Conscience. The exchange of letters with ‘De Veldbloem’ was the subject of this contribution. It contains no trace of the attempt to bring Conscience into the political arena in Brussels. It raises the question how Jacob collected these archival documents and what happened to them during his turbulent life and his many peregrinations.  It is certainly possible that some documents have been lost. However, this legacy is still an important acquisition for the study of the history of the Flemish Movement and of Conscience in particular.

The tenure of English judges

1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. H. McIlwain
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
General Object ◽  
William Iii ◽  
Science Association

At the meeting of the Political Science Association last year, in the general discussion, on the subject of the recall, I was surprised and I must admit, a little shocked to hear our recall of judges compared to the English removal of judges on address of the houses of parliament.If we must compare unlike things, rather than place the recall beside the theory or the practice of the joint address, I should even prefer to compare it to a bill of attainder.In history, theory and practice the recall as we have it and the English removal by joint address have hardly anything in common, save the same general object.Though I may not (as I do not) believe in the recall of judges, this paper concerns itself not at all with that opinion, but only with the history and nature of the tenure of English judges, particularly as affected by the possibility of removal on address. I believe a study of that history will show that any attempt to force the address into a close resemblance to the recall, whether for the purpose of furthering or of discrediting the latter, is utterly misleading.In the history of the tenure of English judges the act of 12 and 13 William III, subsequently known as the Act of Settlement, is the greatest landmark. The history of the tenure naturally divides into two parts at the year 1711. In dealing with both parts, for the sake of brevity, I shall confine myself strictly to the judges who compose what since 1873 has been known as the supreme court of judicature.

An introduction to the history of modern Persian Sufism, Part I: The Ni'matullāhī order: persecution, revival and schism

1998 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonard Lewisohn
Keyword(s):  
Religious Tradition ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Thought ◽  
Literature And Philosophy ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
Modern Development ◽  
Mystical Tradition ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

Following the political upheavals of 1978, the history and development of Shiite religious thought in modern-day Persia has been the subject of detailed scholarly studies, but the modern development of Sufism—the mystical tradition that lies at the heart of traditional Persian culture, literature and philosophy, which is, from the cultural and literary point of view at least, the most fascinating aspect of the Perso-Islamic religious tradition—remains almost completely uncharted. In contrast to the classical and medieval periods of Persian Sufism which have undergone much scholarly investigation in recent years, the study of the modern period of Iranian tasawwuf, though far better known and documented, has been seriously neglected by scholars.

The Entitlements of Merit

Sans-Culottes ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Sonenscher
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Dimensions ◽  
Military Reform ◽  
War Finance ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Modern War

This chapter shows how the moral and social dimensions of the subject of army reform grew out of the range of questions that it generated about property and inheritance, as against merit and distinction, in determining both the composition of the French nobility and its relationship to the French royal government. Getting the peacocks to pay raised a number of political dilemmas, however. These, in turn, helped to rule out the old vision of a powerful reforming monarch as the solution to absolute government's financial problems. The political history of the French Revolution thus began with the unavailability of this alternative. Irrespective of the damage done by the argument over military reform to any plausible prospect of relying on Louis XVI to be a patriot king, the model itself pulled strongly against both the realities of modern war finance and the more urgent political need to consolidate the royal debt.

Mongol Diplomacy of the Alamut Period

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-326
Author(s):  
Bayarsaikhan Dashdondog
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Before And After ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

Abstract The subject that I would like to discuss relates to the Ismāʿīlī history of the period of the Mongol incursions in 1256. This article deals with three topics: the Mongols and their invasions of Alamut; Mongol-Ismāʿīlī relations before and after the invasions; and issues relating to the death of the Ismāʿīlī leader allegedly at the hands of the Mongols. The Mongol conquest of the Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs’ strongholds has been described as “the single-most disastrous event in their history”, putting an end to the political aspirations and prominence of the Ismāʿīlīs in the region; however, my argument lies in the pragmatic attitudes of the Ismāʿīlīs, who were allies of the Mongols at the beginning of their relationship. This paper also discusses issues relating to the death of Ismāʿīlī Imam Rukn al-Dīn, disputing the commonly accepted view of his murder.

Materials for the Study of Labor and Working Class History in Italy

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kirkland
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual History ◽  
Social History ◽  
Social Scientist ◽  
Labor History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
Working Class History ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

The subject suggested in the title is so broad as to make it rather difficult to decide what boundaries to draw around the study of various resources available to the historian or other social scientist who sets out to study labor history, the social history of Italian workers and peasants, and the political and intellectual history of socialism and other radical movements. Keeping in mind that the following discussion is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather an indication of the necessary starting point to begin an investigation is probably the best way to understand this note.

ἐλάχɩστον … ἐν τοῖς ἄρσεσι κλέος: Thucydides, Women, and the Limits of Rational Analysis

1983 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas E. J. Wiedemann
Keyword(s):  
Subject Matter ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Rational Analysis ◽  
Historical Discourse ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Town ◽  
Possible Cause

The comparative infrequency of references to women in Thucydides' history has often been remarked upon, and explained as due in part to the choice of warfare as his theme, and in part to the success of the Greek republics in excluding women from the political arena. As Pericles says in his funeral speech, women ought to give their menfolk the least possible cause to have to take note of them (2.45.2). But the exclusion of women from the subject-matter of historical discourse is peculiarly Thucydidean. Powell's Lexicon tells us that Thucydides' contemporary Herodotus uses γ⋯νηs 373 times, while the number of references to women/wives, mothers, priestesses etc. in Thucydides is less than fifty. This does not mean of course that Thucydides has no interest in, or sympathy for, women: frequently he mentions them as the passive objects of military circumstances precisely in order to underline the tragic effects of warfare. But some of the references to women are decidedly curious. There is a clear example in the account of the unsuccessful Theban attack on Plataea in 431 B.C., with which active hostilities began. Thucydides tells us that some of the Thebans who were locked into the town escaped by breaking open a deserted gate without being noticed (2.4.4). Why does he gratuitously mention that it was a women – presumably a Plataean – who gave her enemies an axe: γυναικ⋯ς δο⋯σης π⋯λɛκυν Clearly, it is an overimplification to say that Thucydides ignores women.

What’s Wrong with Institutions? A Short History of the Clash between IRAs and Turkish Populists

Populism ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-171
Author(s):  
Emre Balıkçı
Keyword(s):  
Public Procurement ◽  
Economic Effects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Short History ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Neoliberal Policies

AbstractThe aim of this article is to reveal the institutional dimensions of populism, which tend to be ignored because of the hegemony of economic analysis of the subject. Whereas many researchers assume that populism is a result of the negative economic effects of neoliberal policies on the middle class, I argue that populism is also a corollary of neoliberal institutions’ effect on the political power of so-called ordinary people. To illustrate this, I focus on the rhetoric of Turkish populists concerning two important economic institutions in Turkey: the Public Procurement Authority and the Central Bank. This examination shows that Turkish populists view the independent institutions of neoliberalism as a barrier against the people’s political will and define themselves as fighters for democracy.

scholarly journals Om ou koeie uit die sloot te grawe: is daar lesse te leer uit die verlede? — Enkele kantaantekeninge

Literator ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-34
Author(s):  
W. A.M. Carstens
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Present Status ◽  
Business Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Letters To The Editor ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Official Languages ◽  
Letter Writer

This article focuses on views expressed in newspaper articles and in letters to the editor about the future of Afrikaans in a new political dispensation. It seems as if people do not believe that despite the constitutional assurances of November 1993 - Afrikaans will be able to maintain its present status as one of the official languages of South Africa as the mistakes of the past are constantly being thrown into its face. There have been signs in the business community (for example by Toyota, Coca-Cola, BMW, SA Breweries) and in the political arena that English, rather than Afrikaans, is the favoured language. The views expressed in the articles and letters indicate that the Afrikaans community will not accept this attitude and that a new struggle for language rights (especially those of Afrikaans in the light of the history of Afrikaans) could be the result. This struggle could according to one letter writer - have serious consequences for peace in the country after the assumption of power by a new government will come to power after April 27 1994.

Materials for the Study of Labor and Working Class History in Italy

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kirkland
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual History ◽  
Social History ◽  
Social Scientist ◽  
Labor History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
Working Class History ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

The subject suggested in the title is so broad as to make it rather difficult to decide what boundaries to draw around the study of various resources available to the historian or other social scientist who sets out to study labor history, the social history of Italian workers and peasants, and the political and intellectual history of socialism and other radical movements. Keeping in mind that the following discussion is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather an indication of the necessary starting point to begin an investigation is probably the best way to understand this note.

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