scholarly journals Bishops, Kings and Leviathan: Nationalism and Integralism in Light of High Church Anglican Political Thought

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Nolte

This article traces the political thought of high church Anglicans from 1580-1720. Beginning with Richard Hooker, Anglican political thought was shaped by the need to balance competing principles. For high church Anglicans, the monarchy was seen as the institution best positioned to defend this balance against what they saw as the twin threats of "Puritanism and popery." However, high churchmen also began to defend a high view of episcopacy even over against the power of the English government, introducing a tension between royal supremacy and high church Anglicanism with implications for both nationalist and integralist conceptions of the state. This culminated in the nonjurors—Anglican clergy and academics removed from their posts for refusing to swear oaths to William and Mary—defending episcopacy against both the new king and defenders of royal supremacy. The example of high church Anglicans demonstrates some perils of both nationalist and integralist approaches to politics for many religious forms of traditional conservatism.

1995 ◽  
Vol 16 (01) ◽  
pp. 17-38
Author(s):  
Robert Stern

Of all the major episodes in Hegel's Rezeptionsgeschichte, British Hegelianism can seem the most foreign and outmoded, to have the least relevance to our current understanding of Hegel's thought. Even today, we are lead back to the Young Hegelians for the problems they pose in reading his work; we can sympathise with the concerns of Peirce, Royce and Dewey that drew them to him, and the interpretative picture they developed; we can take seriously the attempts by Croce and Gentile to bring about their “reforms”, given our contemporary ambivalence to his project; and we can see how in different ways the influence of Hegel on Kojève, Sartre, Lukács and the Frankfurt School have made some of his ideas central to our times. But few feel this sense of identification and illumination on encountering the work of Hegel's British interpreters from the turn of the century; rather, in their writings we seem to find a Hegel that is darker, more distant, more difficult for us to relate to contemporary concerns. This is not true in every respect, of course. In particular, several recent commentators have stressed how far it is possible to find here a reading and assessment of Hegel's political thought that does connect directly with many current issues, and that in this respect the thought of T H Green, Bernard Bosanquet and Henry Jones is not dead, either as a tradition within political philosophy, or as an interpretative approach to Hegel's theory of the state. Nonetheless, even those who seek to defend the importance of British Hegelianism in this regard clearly recognize that this is a fairly modest claim: for it fails to resurrect and revitalize the more fundamental aspect of the their encounter with Hegel, which was with his metaphysics – on which, as for Hegel, their political theories were based, rather than being primary in themselves. Those concerned with the political thought of the British Hegelians have not tried to take on this wider issue, leaving unchallenged the assumption that in their appropriation of his metaphysics, the British Hegelians have little to offer us either interpretatively or philosophically.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-104
Author(s):  
Iwona Barwicka-Tylek

The interest in Republican thought is on the increase again, now chiefl y thanks to the works of Quentin Skinner and the circle of so-called neo-Republicans (or civic Republicans) concentrated around Phillip Petit. They stress the peculiar perspective that Republicans have had on the state and society. This is seen in their distinctive view of freedom as the absence of domination, or attachment to the category of citizenship and the related role of civic virtues. These special characteristics justify, in their opinion, distinguishing the Republican trend of political thought (historically and now) from other positions, especially the liberal tradition. Accepting generally the above opinion, the paper draws our attention to signifi - cant differences within Republicanism itself. To do this, it cites the three conceptions of republic that were formed in the 16th century and refer to England (Sir Thomas Smith), Venice (Gasparo Contarini) and Poland (Wawrzyniec Goślicki). Although they were formed around the same time and have common roots mainly in Aristotle’s philosophy and Roman Republican ideas, each of the three perspectives views the republic from a different angle. While all three authors believe the coexistence of three elements – orderly institutions, wise law and virtuous citizens – to be crucial for any state, they rely in their deliberations on one element only. This has an impact on the way their conceptions fi nally appear and on the conclusions for the political system they draw. And so, Smith gives precedence to institutions, Contarini emphasises the key role of law and Goślicki gives primacy to virtue, concentrated in an ideal senator. Taking notice of such differences among thinkers openly admitting to an attachment to the Republican tradition should make us even more careful so as not to oversimplify it as if it were uniform and completely cohesive. Further, the awareness of such differences may provoke refl ection how justifi ed the use of the Republican banner is in respect of so different authors as, for instance, Machiavelli and Montesquieu.


Author(s):  
Doyeeta Majumder

Continuing the discussion of Scottish texts and politics, this chapter focuses on George Buchanan’s Latin play Baptistes (roughly contemporaneous with Ane Satyre) and his later treatise De Iure Regni Apud Scotos, positing that unlike the playwrights and resistance theorists preceding him, Buchanan conceives of the state and its power as a human artefact rather than a product of divine making. This conception of politics not only aligns Buchanan with Machiavellian political thought in significant ways, but also, together with the fact that Scotland witnessed the actual deposition of the legitimate sovereign at the hands of her nobility, enabled him to formulate a defence of resistance that manages to overcome the limitations of traditional Calvinist resistance arguments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-349
Author(s):  
M Munawar

This paper is based on a literature study that aims to examine the relevance and implementation of Islamic politics in the political arena of Indonesia, the majority of which are Muslims. The results of the study concluded that in the era of 70s emerged ??Nurcholish Madjid's idea that "Islam YES, Islamic party NO" and it had established a new awareness for Muslims on the desired goal which is not idealism about the establishment of an Islamic State, but a just and prosperous society. Islam is no longer seen as a symbolic structure, but rather the spirit of values ??that are brought and developed in the life of the state. Efforts to articulate Islamic politics in Indonesia are important issues that need to be addressed to provide a possible synthesis between Islam and the State, therefore the study of Islamic political thought that is unique to Indonesia is not only attractive but urgent to do. In line with the conclusions above, it is expected that this paper can trigger students, especially those who choose the Department of Siyasah Jinayah so that Islamic political thought not only be a mere discourse but should be more focused on the aspect of its implementation to move towards a more advanced Indonesia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 35-51
Author(s):  
Piotr Bukowczyk

Religious policy in the thought of the Austrian Christian Social Party 1918−1934In the paper I present the vision of a relation between the state and religious denominations and the status of atheists and free-thinkers delineated in the political thought of the Christian Social Party Christlichsoziale Partei, active in Austria-Hungary and the First Republic of Austria, Christian-democratic, after 1931 influenced by Italian fascism and inclining towards authoritarianism. I infer it from its propaganda materials books, brochures, press articles, leaflets, posters and legislation enacted under its governmentI also show the impact of the social, cultural and political context on the postulates of the Christian Social Party with regard to religious policy.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 1010
Author(s):  
Erik Skare

Existing scholarship has largely focused on the violence of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) when analyzing their response to the Oslo Agreement and the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority (PA) in the 1990s. The Islamist opposition’s contribution to Palestinian political thought has largely been ignored, however, although the prospects of Palestinian self-rule confronted the two movements with fundamental questions about social organization, governance, and the permissibility of democracy. I offer an analysis of key Hamas and PIJ texts from this period to demonstrate that Hamas and PIJ fundamentally differ in their analysis of the state and the organization of just society. While Hamas outlines a state-centric approach to governance through which Islamic values are enforced from above, PIJ perceives the state to be the greatest threat to the just organization of society. This article consequently dispels the myth that the two Palestinian Islamist movements had no significant ideological differences in the 1990s.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-139
Author(s):  
Pierre-Olivier Monteil

This study undertakes a reading of Etienne de La Boétie’s Discours de la servitude volontaire, endeavoring to bring to light the way it convergences with and diverges from the political thought of Paul Ricœur, around the central concept of the will. On the basis of the twin notions of “denaturation” and of “pathology,” a course unfolds which aims at helping establish the people, in comparison with the institution of the State, through a political process revitalised by friendship. But the two thinkers differ when it comes to the resources of the will. This is reflected in the notion of freedom, conceived as absolute in La Boetie, while Ricœur emphasizes its contingency, which leads him to thematize it in terms of capabilities.


Author(s):  
Ludmila Ivonina

The article analyzes a career and a number of poetic works written by a Polish poet Jan Kunowski. The books are associated with Smolensk and the wars between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Moscow State in the first half of the XVIIth century. The example of Kunowski’s poems and life demonstrates the place of Smolensk both in the political thinking of the Polish nobility of the Early Modern Times and, in particular, of an individual person. In addition, the article demonstrates some methods used by the propaganda of the Early Modern Times; they are dedicated to the event under the study. The author agrees that the writings by Jan Kunowski about Smolensk are an expression of the mentality of the Polish nobleman lived the XVIIth century, who was confident in Providence protecting the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and convinced of the special mission of the Polish-Lithuanian State. In a certain way, the canticle to Smolensk was propaganda. In reality, Kunowski renewed the state and ethnic myth of Polish and partly Lithuanian political thought; he added a new element – Smolensk – to the thousand-year history of the state. Moreover, the article emphasizes that comprehension of Kunowski’s poems content from the only perspective of gentry’s mentality, propaganda and love for the city can be incomplete. The poet’s reflection of the reality was largely stimulated by material reasons, career aspirations, and religious confession.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4(61)) ◽  
pp. 441-461
Author(s):  
Piotr Musiewicz

The Main Categories of Richard Hooker’s Political Thought This article outlines the main philosophical and political issues of this late-Tudor Anglican divine. Hooker’s ideas, developed in Of the Laws of Eccclesiastical Polity, provide some atypical answers to typical questions about the state and itsconnection with the church. The first issue presented is the nature of law and reason: Hooker’s approach bears a strong resemblance to St. Thomas Aquinas’ thought here. We can also observe the naissance of a theory of a “social contract”, as society enters an agreement to nominate a governor over them. Hooker seems to be applying this theory to both the origins of the state and of the church. Indescribing the role of tradition in law-making, Hooker can be called the pioneer of the Conservative doctrine. We shall indicate the role of the Revelation in Hooker’s outlook and his polemics with the Puritans here. Finally, we will come to Hooker’s criticism of the theory of two powers, his favour of monism and its historical proponents, and to his arguments for the royal supremacy in England.


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