Between Tradition and Evangelisation: Marriage Ritualisation on Colonial and Contemporary Bioko Island

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. e015
Author(s):  
Nuria Fernández Moreno
Keyword(s):  
Family Structure ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
The Other ◽  
Equatorial Guinea ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Bioko Island ◽  
Political Function ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
Intense Process

The start of the 20th century on Bioko Island (Equatorial Guinea) coincides with the expansion of Spanish colonisation. Around 1910, the intense process of “Hispanicisation” began, totally disrupting native Bubi society. The colonial government, together with the intense evangelisation carried out on the island by the Catholic Church, weakened and modified Bubi power structures. Colonialism also provoked important changes in Bubi family structure and the evangelising mission was, fundamentally, directed toward controlling and transforming marriage practices. This text analyses how the loss of the political function of the Bubi chieftainships affected marriage practices and examines the other variables that influenced these changes and their effects on the present-day situation of Bubi women. Finally, the text explains how the practices and values that the evangelisation managed to introduce influenced the construction of Bubi ethnic identity.

The Political Function of the Poro. (Part II.)

Africa ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Little
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Function ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Opening Paragraph

Opening ParagraphIn the concluding paragraphs of Part I of this article it was pointed out that in addition to its judicial functions the Poro society possessed some important powers of administration. On the other hand, there was also evidence to suggest that the society carried on this wide range of activities, amounting almost to government of the country, as an instrument of the chiefs.

Somali Resistance to Colonial Rule and the Development of Somali Political Activity in Kenya 1893–1960

1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. R. Turton
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Somali Youth

This article investigates the relationship between different phases of Somali political activity in Kenya. A clear contrast emerges between the focus, the aims and the methods adopted by the Somali pastoralists along the northern frontier and those adopted by the Isaq and Herti Somali traders in Nairobi and Isiolo. The attitude of the former towards the Colonial Government was essentially negative. Yet, while they tended to be resisterspar excellenceand fought against the Government on a large number of occasions between 1893 and 1916, this article shows that their resistance was much more limited than has generally been supposed and that they were never united on a clan basis in their resistance. In fact intra-clan rivalries seriously undermined the effectiveness of their activities Moreover, certain weaker Somali segments actively cooperated with the Government in order to obtain military and political support for their positions which were threatened by stronger groups.On the other hand, Isaq and Herti traders attempted to manipulate the political institution in order to obtain additional privileges within the system. Their agitation had positive goals, for they campaigned to gain Asiatic status. They put pressure on the central organs of Government and hired lawyers to plead their case. They wrote numerous petitions and memorials to governors of the colony, to Secretaries of State and even to two British kings. They formed well-organized political associations and had contacts in British Somaliland and England. Yet, by a curious irony, it seems that the Somali Exemption Ordinance of 1919, which represented the closest they came to achieving non-native status, was not passed as a result of their campaigns. In fact, their later agitation achieved nothing; it seems to have represented a futile effort to counter the gradual erosion of privileges obtained at an earlier date.One of the main characteristics of the Isaq and Herti agitation was its essentially sectarian character. In fighting to obtain Asiatic status they emphasized traits that isolated them from other Somali groups, and they even ended by denying that they were Somali. As such, there was a considerable disparity between their aims and those of the Somali Youth League which emerged in 1946 as the main vehicle of mass Somali nationalism, uniting the Somali pastoralists and traders in one group.

scholarly journals The Quick Growth of the Catholic Church in Manggarai: A Phenomenology of Conversion and Some Explanations

MELINTAS ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 276
Author(s):  
Fransiskus Borgias M.
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
External Factor ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Whole Process ◽  
Cultural Encounter ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
The One ◽  
The Church

<p>Since the arrival of Christianity together with the colonial rulers, Manggarai, Flores, Indonesia, undergoes physical and spiritual changes. These changes can be explained with theory of intellectual voluntarism (the free will of the repentant) and theory of structural determinism (enforcement by external factor). It appears that the changes in Manggarai happen because of the mixture of both factors in their diverse variants, such as the political-economical, educational, social-services related, and religious-theological factors. There are two horizons in the whole process of encounter and transformation in this area. On the one hand, there is the horizon of European Christian missionaries (supported by government), and on the other hand, the horizon of the Manggarain, with their cultural life in the broadest sense of the word. The two horizons fuse to each other in one drama of cultural encounter throughout the growth of the Church. Following the hermeneutical discourse of Gadamer, it might be said that the fusion of the two horizons results in the emergence of a new face of unique local and contextual Christianity. In its uniqueness and locality, it has also something to be contributed to the universal Church.</p>

Quem Não Crê, Brasileiro Não É

2020 ◽  
pp. 29-58
Author(s):  
Erika Helgen
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
Primary Obstacle ◽  
The Catholic Church

This chapter examines how Catholics and Protestants developed competing visions for Brazil's social and political future as each came to view the other as the primary obstacle to national progress. It analyzes how anti-protestantism came to be a fundamental element of the national Restorationist project during the 1920s and 1930s. The chapter describes the Catholics's view of Protestants as enemies who threatened not only the religious project of the Catholic Church but also the political unity and stability of the Brazilian nation. It also assesses how Protestants saw the Catholic Church as a threat in returning Brazil to its backward, superstitious, colonial past and reversing a century of liberal achievements that defined Brazilian imperial and republican history. It reviews the conflicts between Catholics and Protestants, both sides attacking the other for being harmful to the health of the modern nation and political arena as each mounted an aggressive campaign to influence the writing of the 1934 constitution.

POLITICAL ASPECTS OF DIGITALIZATION: THE CHOICE BETWEEN SECURITY AND FREEDOM IN THE GLOBAL WORLD

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolay Baranov
Keyword(s):  
Information Technology ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Response ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Cultural Perception ◽  
Direct Participation ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Ample Opportunity ◽  
Global World

The article analyses the dichotomy of modern people’s choice in the context of the ample opportunity provided by information technology, and on the other hand, threats related to the invasion of privacy and offences. Social response to the choice of priority depends on political and cultural perception of the political reality, which was formed with the direct participation of power structures and which is shared by the majority of the population.

scholarly journals The political function of the sage in Stoicism

KÜLÖNBSÉG ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikoletta Hendrik
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Natural Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Period ◽  
Actual Role ◽  
Political Function ◽  
The Ideal

The paper investigates changing ideals of stoicism from the perspective of political philosophy. In the early stoa, the sage was idealized, while in the middle and late period, the ideal of the prokopton became the centre of philosophical attention. In the argument I distinguish between two political models. In one of the models, sages have an actual role, while in the other they do not. In the second model it is only the ideal of the sage that helps create and maintain the political system most in harmony with natural law.

scholarly journals EDUCAÇÃO E VIOLÊNCIA NA TEORIA CRÍTICA DE ADORNO

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 231
Author(s):  
Adilson Cristiano Habowski ◽  
Elaine Conte ◽  
Helen Rose Flores de Flores
Keyword(s):  
Critical Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Tradition ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Cultural Formation ◽  
Civilizing Process ◽  
Social Sensitivity ◽  
Political Function

O presente estudo, de alicerce hermenêutico adorniano, objetiva debater o conceito de violência apresentada por Adorno e suas inter-relações com a barbárie e a educação. Adorno entende a violência como constitutiva do ser humano e que no processo civilizatório produzimos também a anticivilização. Nesse contexto, a educação seria a imprescindível para canalizar os impulsos sociais desagregadores e agressivos, direcionando para processos formativos de princípios socioculturais. Debatemos que a função política da educação é de conscientizar, resistir e combater os modos de ação violentos, desiguais, injustos e desumanos operantes, para produzir a formação cultural por meio do respeito ao outro, do reconhecimento recíproco e da valorização das diferenças. Concluímos que a escola precisa apropriar-se dos conhecimentos da tradição cultural para superar as violências de uma inclusão na exclusão (um eufemismo cruel diria Freire) e reestabelecer a cultura do diálogo formativo que passa pela sensibilidade social. EDUCATION AND VIOLENCE IN THE CRITICAL THEORY OF ADORNO The present study, with an adornmental hermeneutic foundation, aims to discuss the concept of violence presented by Adorno and its interrelations with barbarism and education. Adorno understands violence as constitutive of the human being and that in the civilizing process we also produce anticivilization. In this context, education would be essential to channel disaggregating and aggressive social impulses, directing to formative processes of socio-cultural principles. We debate that the political function of education is to raise awareness, resist and combat violent, unequal, unjust and inhuman ways of action, to produce cultural formation through respect for the other, reciprocal recognition and appreciation of differences. We conclude that the school needs to appropriate the knowledge of cultural tradition to overcome the violence of inclusion in exclusion (a cruel euphemism Freire) and reestablish the culture of the formative dialogue that passes through social sensitivity.

scholarly journals Discursive Practices and Narrative Building in Post 9/11 Among Young American Adults

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syeda Aysha ◽  
Raja Nasim Akhtar
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Social Practices ◽  
The Other ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social

The changing undercurrents of the political situation of the world, in the aftermath of 9/11, seem to have affected the notion of the 'other' in the social, cultural and most expressively the discourse of literature. The power structures embedded in these discourses have influenced the social practices in the portrayal of the 'other'. The construction of the 'other' is epitomized through writings illustrating biases that reveal themselves in ostracizing communities and ideologies. The socio-political implications of the identity in post 9/11 require further investigation.  The current study investigates the portrayal of the 'other' delineated in American young adults. The theoretical perspectives of Siegfried Jager and Teun van Dijk (2001) in the domain of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) were employed to analyze the data. The results of the investigation substantiated that the 'other' was redefined as an entity loaded with explicit negative implications and depicted by adding a prefix to the ‘other’ creating a ‘Muslim other’. The paper has implications for socio-political, education and cultural setting and practices in society.

scholarly journals Divine Warning or Prelude to Secularization? Religion, Politics, and the COVID-19 Pandemic in Turkey

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ateş Altınordu
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Responses ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
Political Function ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Political Backlash

Abstract Religion was a major pillar in the government’s pandemic management and featured centrally in a string of public controversies in the course of the coronavirus crisis in Turkey. This article analyzes the role of Islam in the political and social responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in Turkey, with a focus on four dimensions: (1) religion as a tool of governance, (2) the regulation of collective religious practices, (3) religious interpretations of the pandemic, and (4) predictions about the future impact of the coronavirus crisis on religion. Based on this analysis, the study concludes that the salience and political function of religion in the course of pandemics are contingent upon the place of religious mobilization in the political repertoire of the ruling party and the balance of power between the government and the religious field, respectively. The government's extensive instrumentalization of religion in pandemic management, on the other hand, is likely to give rise to a political backlash against organized religion.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

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