Da Segunda Guerra Mundial à Guerra Fria: políticas militares estadunidenses para a América Latina (1943-1947)

Diálogos ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Dennison De Oliveira

O texto interpreta a atuação de organizações militares e diplomáticas estadunidenses dedicadas à América Latina. O contexto é o da transição da Segunda Guerra Mundial à Guerra Fria. A base empírica é composta por diferentes documentos mantidos nos Arquivos Nacionais dos EUA (US National Archives) do acervo do Comitê Consultivo Conjunto das Repúblicas Americanas, (Joint Advisory Board on the American Republics - JAB) cobrindo o período 1940-1945. O comitê estava encarregado de propor e executar políticas ligadas à Defesa Hemisférica a serem desenvolvidas em conjunto com os países da América Latina na guerra e no pós-guerra. Abstract From World War II to the Cold War: US military policies for Latin America (1943-1947) The text interprets the performance of US military and diplomatic organizations dedicated to Latin America. The context is that of the transition from World War II to the Cold War. The empirical basis is composed of different documents maintained in the US National Archives of the collection of the Joint Advisory Board of the American Republics (JAB) covering the period 1940-1945. The committee was charged with proposing and implementing policies related to Hemispheric Defense to be developed jointly with the Latin American countries in war and postwar. Resumen De la Segunda Guerra Mundial a la Guerra Fría: políticas militares estadounidenses para América Latina (1943-1947) El texto interpreta la actuación de las organizaciones militares y diplomáticas estadounidenses dedicadas a América Latina. El contexto es el de la transición de la Segunda Guerra Mundial a la Guerra Fría. La base empírica está compuesta por diferentes documentos mantenidos en los Archivos Nacionales de los Estados Unidos (US National Archives) del acervo del Comité Consultivo Conjunto de las Repúblicas Americanas (JAB) cubriendo el período 1940-1945. El comité estaba encargado de proponer y ejecutar políticas vinculadas a la Defensa Hemisférica a ser desarrolladas en conjunto con los países de América Latina en la guerra y en la posguerra.

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-566
Author(s):  
Dario Gaggio

In the aftermath of World War II, Italy’s centrist leaders saw in the emerging US empire an opportunity to implement emigration schemes that had been in circulation for decades. Hundreds of thousands of Italian peasant farmers could perhaps be able to settle on Latin American and African land thanks to the contribution of US capital. This article examines the Italian elites’ obsession with rural colonization abroad as the product of their desire to valorize the legacy of Italy's settler colonialism in Libya and thereby reinvent Italy's place in the world in the aftermath of military defeat and decolonization. Despite the deep ambivalence of US officials, Italy received Marshall Plan funds to carry out experimental settlements in several Latin American countries. These visions of rural settlement also built on the nascent discourses about the ‘development’ of non-western areas. Despite the limited size and success of the Italian rural ‘colonies’ in Latin America, these projects afford a window into the politics of decolonization, the character of US hegemony at the height of the Cold War, and the evolving attitude of Latin American governments towards immigration and rural development. They also reveal the contradictory relationships between Italy's leaders and the country's rural masses, viewed as redundant and yet precious elements to be deployed in a global geopolitical game.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell H. Bartley

All bodies of scholarship reflect societal mindsets and ideologies. Academic fields of geopolitical area studies exemplify this fact, having developed historically in response to the global objectives and related policy requirements of major nation-states over the past century and a half. In the case of Latin American area studies, the field was given decisive impetus by the Cold War, as were the related fields of Soviet and United States studies in each of the two contending superpowers. Discussion of a representative selection of Latin Americanists in the former USSR, their varied statuses within the Soviet academic establishment, and their professional relations with their U.S counterparts and of the development of Soviet Latin American area studies from the post–World War II years down to the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s makes clear that both Soviet and American academic establishments were constrained by Cold War political imperatives and accompanying mindsets that hampered but did not preclude the pursuit and achievement of genuine scholarship. Todos los campos de estudio reflejan mentalidades e ideologías sociales. Los campos académicos de los estudios geopolíticos dan ejemplo de esto, dado que se desarrollaron en respuesta a los objetivos globales y requisitos políticos pertinentes de las principales naciones-estado durante el último siglo y medio. Los estudios sobre América Latina recibieron un impulso decisivo durante la Guerra Fría, junto con los estudios soviéticos y estadounidenses en cada una de las dos superpotencias contendientes. Un vistazo a una selección representativa de latinoamericanistas en la antigua URSS, sus variantes condiciones dentro del status quo académico soviético, y sus relaciones profesionales con sus contrapartes estadounidenses, así como al desarrollo de los estudios soviéticos sobre América Latina después la Segunda Guerra Mundial y hasta la desaparición de la URSS a principios de la década de 1990, dejan en claro que tanto los establecimientos académicos soviéticos como estadounidenses estaban constreñidos por los imperativos políticos de la Guerra Fría y la mentalidad acompañante. Esto obstaculizaba, pero no impedía, la búsqueda y el logro de auténtica investigación.


1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-83
Author(s):  
Shirley Christian

There has always been a certain attitude in Washington having to do with Latin America. It is that Latin America is not quite a grown-up place and, therefore, is worthy of intense US interest only when the region, or part of it, falls into a crisis that crosses paths with one of the US hot-button issues of the moment: drugs, immigration, human rights, communism (until recently) and, farther back, fascism. In other words, Latin America has been worthy of attention only when the United States decided to “do good” (e.g., human rights crusades), incorporate the region into efforts at solving US domestic problems (e.g., drugs), or needed firm support from the region in some international effort (e.g., the Cold War and World War II).


2020 ◽  
pp. 247-277
Author(s):  
Elaheh Nourigholamizadeh

Desde la Doctrina Monroe (1823) hasta el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, los Estados Unidos tomó gradualmente el lugar de las potencias colonialistas europeas en América Latina y empleó una amplia gama de los compromisos políticos en los países de región que le brindaron una potencia dominante en el hemisferio occidental. Durante la Guerra Fría, las políticas intervencionistas de los EE.UU. en los asuntos domésticos de los países latinoamericanos establecieron la “hegemonía estadounidense en América Latina”. Una investigación histórica sobre las relaciones de los países americanos muestra que según la perspectiva neo-Gramsciana, la hegemonía liberal de los EE.UU. en América Latina es preservada y promovida por tres pilares: cultura liberal; organizaciones interamericanas; y capacidades militares y económicas. Estos tres pilares también se han extendido a otras partes del mundo. From the Monroe Doctrine (1823) to the end of World War II, the United States gradually took the place of the European colonial powers in Latin America and employed a wide range of political engagements in the countries of the region that gave it a dominant power in the Western Hemisphere. During the Cold War, US interventionist policies in the domestic affairs of the Latin American countries established the “American hegemony in Latin America”. A historical research on the U.S-Latin America relations shows that according to the neo-Gramscian perspective, US liberal hegemony in Latin America is preserved and promoted by three pillars: liberal culture; inter-American organizations; and US military and economic capabilities. These three pillars have also spread to other parts of the world.


1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger R. Trask

Between 1945 and 1947, Argentina posed a complex and exasperating problem for the United States as it endeavored to develop policy to guide its relations with Latin America. Among the questions involved were how to deal with an alleged neofascist dictator in Argentina, how to preserve the aura of the so-called Good Neighbor policy, whether to provide arms and economic aid to Latin America, and whether to enter into a collective security agreement for the western hemisphere.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Jenness

This paper explores the way American intellectuals depicted Sigmund Freud during the peak of popularity and prestige of psychoanalysis in the US, roughly the decade and a half following World War II. These intellectuals insisted upon the unassailability of Freud's mind and personality. He was depicted as unsusceptible to any external force or influence, a trait which was thought to account for Freud's admirable comportment as a scientist, colleague and human being. This post-war image of Freud was shaped in part by the Cold War anxiety that modern individuality was imperilled by totalitarian forces, which could only be resisted by the most rugged of selves. It was also shaped by the unique situation of the intellectuals themselves, who were eager to position themselves, like the Freud they imagined, as steadfastly independent and critical thinkers who would, through the very clarity of their thought, lead America to a more robust democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-702
Author(s):  
Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet

In 1946, the entertainer and activist Paul Robeson pondered America's intentions in Iran. In what was to become one of the first major crises of the Cold War, Iran was fighting a Soviet aggressor that did not want to leave. Robeson posed the question, “Is our State Department concerned with protecting the rights of Iran and the welfare of the Iranian people, or is it concerned with protecting Anglo-American oil in that country and the Middle East in general?” This was a loaded question. The US was pressuring the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops after its occupation of the country during World War II. Robeson wondered why America cared so much about Soviet forces in Iranian territory, when it made no mention of Anglo-American troops “in countries far removed from the United States or Great Britain.” An editorial writer for a Black journal in St. Louis posed a different variant of the question: Why did the American secretary of state, James F. Byrnes, concern himself with elections in Iran, Arabia or Azerbaijan and yet not “interfere in his home state, South Carolina, which has not had a free election since Reconstruction?”


2021 ◽  

Global governance has come under increasing pressure since the end of the Cold War. In some issue areas, these pressures have led to significant changes in the architecture of governance institutions. In others, institutions have resisted pressures for change. This volume explores what accounts for this divergence in architecture by identifying three modes of governance: hierarchies, networks, and markets. The authors apply these ideal types to different issue areas in order to assess how global governance has changed and why. In most issue areas, hierarchical modes of governance, established after World War II, have given way to alternative forms of organization focused on market or network-based architectures. Each chapter explores whether these changes are likely to lead to more or less effective global governance across a wide range of issue areas. This provides a novel and coherent theoretical framework for analysing change in global governance.


Muzikologija ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 55-63
Author(s):  
Keti Romanu

This paper describes cultural policy in Greece from the end of World War II up to the fall of the junta of colonels in 1974. The writer's object is to show how the Cold War favoured defeated Western countries, which participated effectively in the globalisation of American culture, as in the Western world de-nazification was transformed into a purge of communism. Using the careers of three composers active in communist resistance organizations as examples (Iannis Xenakis, Mikis Theodorakis and Alecos Xenos), the writer describes the repercussions of this phenomenon in Greek musical life and creativity.


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