Black Power: The Black Liberators, Black Nationalists, DuBois Club, Jeff Vander Lou Community Action Group, Nation of Islam, Mid-City Congress, Zulu 1200s

2013 ◽  
pp. 89-114
Free the Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 79-112
Author(s):  
Edward Onaci

This chapter focuses primarily on the ideas behind and the practice of naming. It argues that name choices are the most fundamental form of individual and group self-determination developed by New Afrikans (and Black Power activists more generally). This chapter historicizes black naming practices in the United States, covering their importance from the era of racial slavery to the moments when Nation of Islam and Malcolm X, among others, were helping instil Black pride in mid-twentieth century African Americans. Specifically, it examines the ways that individual and group names, identity, cartography, and orthography became effective tools for the mechanics of liberation struggle. Taken for granted by both the name studies scholarship and histories of the Black Power Movement, this consideration of naming encourages scholars and activists to think more deeply and critically about the value of politically conscious naming practices.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-48
Author(s):  
Crystal Am Nelson

This photo essay attempts to map some of the historical moments that likely influenced the birth of the black panther as an icon and hero in the worlds of both political activism and comic books. From its initial appearance in Alabama to its incarnation in Oakland, the black panther has stood the test of time and remained an index of Black power. This essay examines the births of the Lowndes County Freedom Movement, Marvel's Black Panther character, and the Black Panther Party—all in 1966. The founding of that first proves to be a seminal, highly influential moment that presaged what was to come later that year. The events described trace how community action transformed into black power–cum–panther power.


2020 ◽  
pp. 009614422095661
Author(s):  
Sam Collings-Wells

During the 1960s, the Ford Foundation was one of the largest philanthropic organizations in the United States. This article examines the shifting strategies which Ford deployed in an attempt to tackle urban disorder in U.S. cities between 1965 and 1982. From 1966 to 1969, Ford engaged in a series of experimental projects which sought to dampen unrest through “community action” and grassroots mobilization, many of which required working with Black Power organizations. Yet, after this generated considerable political controversy, the foundation shifted toward funding liberal police reform, establishing the Police Foundation in 1970, a Washington-based organization whose research provided the intellectual underpinning for “Broken Windows” policing. Studying the Ford Foundation’s programming during this period can illuminate the understudied contribution of liberal philanthropy to the rise of the carceral state, as well as the connections between the grassroots antipoverty efforts of the 1960s and the punitive turn of the 1970s.


Author(s):  
Socorro Escandón

The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine Bracht, Kingbury, and Rissel's five-stage community development model as applied to a grass-roots community action group. The sample consisted of low-income, predominantly Hispanic women in a community action group in a Southwestern barrio, some of whom were experiencing domestic violence. The community group organizer was interviewed, and a content analytic table was constructed. Results showed that the community group's efforts would have benefited from a theoretically organized approach. The window of opportunity continues to be open for community development researchers to offer theoretical assistance to groups that are forming and to those already formed to help them realize their goals.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Smith

Urban parks have always been contested and contradictory spaces: highly ordered and elitist, yet valued as democratic places and public amenities. In an era of neoliberal austerity there are greater pressures for parks to pay for themselves and the associated commercialisation often exacerbates conflicts between park users and managing authorities. This paper focuses on how their increased use as venues for commercial events affects the publicness of urban parks. This issue is explored via the case of Battersea Park in London, which was used as a venue for Formula E motor races in 2015 and 2016. These events disrupted park access during race weekends, but also in the periods when the venue was assembled/disassembled. The events were resisted by a community action group whose campaigning eventually resulted in the decision by Formula E to cease racing in Battersea Park. The paper analyses how Formula E events were justified and opposed using a form of rhetorical analysis inspired by the work of Michael Billig. Interviews were undertaken with key stakeholders involved in the case and their arguments were analysed to reveal different ways of thinking about public parks. The dispute is understood as one underpinned by different interpretations of who and what a park is for, and by contrasting views on the impact of interruptions to everyday routines. The Formula E events reduced public access, but the dispute surrounding the events arguably made Battersea Park more public by generating debate and by provoking local activists to defend their park.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document