Military Recruiting and the British Labour Force During the First World War

World War I ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 173-198
1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. E. Dewey

During the First World War, Britain was obliged for the first time for over a century to raise a mass army. Initially, this seemed to raise no insuperable problem; by the end of 1914, slightly over one million men had enlisted. Thereafter, however, civilian enthusiasm waned, and the government had to employ other means to stimulate the flow of recruits – alteration of the military service age limits and, later, the introduction of compulsory military service. Taken together, voluntary recruiting and conscription permitted the raising and maintenance of a mass army. By the time of the armistice on 11 November t 1918, almost five million men had entered the army, and a further half million had entered the two other services.


1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 677-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Dare

In the years between the end of the First World War and the end of the Second, the estimate outside Britain of the status of intellectuals in the British Labour movement grew to prodigal dimensions.


1989 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
Kwame Frimpong

The subject “Rent Control” is very wide as it covers many areas. It may deal with the control of rents in respect of agricultural land, industrial property or it may be limited either to dwelling houses or commercial buildings. For the purposes of this paper, “rent control” focuses on the dwelling or residential houses and commercial buildings in the country. The obvious reason is that the current rent control legislation is limited to those properties because of the apparent high level of the rents they attract.The use of legislation to control rents of premises is a product of the twentieth century. In England, for instance, the first attempt to control rents was in 1915, during the First World War. It is interesting to note that the first legislation on rent control in England coincided with the outbreak of the First World War. Rent controls in Nigeria and Ghana were also influenced by the First and Second World Wars respectively. The reason for the introduction of rent control legislation to coincide with world wars is not hard to find. Wars generally create shortages of a number of essential goods because many resources are diverted to the production of armaments and the labour force is channelled to the battle front. Housing is one of the needs of mankind which usually becomes scarce as a result of the outbreak of a major war like the last two World Wars.


Author(s):  
Timothy Bowman ◽  
William Butler ◽  
Michael Wheatley

This chapter discusses the propaganda organisations established in Ireland during the First World War. Tasked with organising military recruiting in Ireland, these bodies included the Central Council for the Organisation of Recruitment in Ireland (CCORI), the Department of Recruiting in Ireland (DRI), and the Irish Recruiting Council (IRC), which were in existence at various stages across the war, from May 1915 until its termination. It addresses how these bodies were set up, organised, and, ultimately, how successful they were. It places these organisations into the unique Irish context, as propaganda activities operated in the context of Irish Home Rule in 1914-15, during the Easter Rising in 1916, and the Conscription Crisis in 1918. It also places their activities within the wider British context, particularly drawing comparisons with the Parliamentary Recruiting Committee (PRC).


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hyslop

Recent scholarship on seafarers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century has tended to emphasise the mobility and diverse geographical origins of the global steamship workforce. This article, while sharing that perspective, cautions that a more nuanced view is called for, which also recognises the limits of their mobility. In doing so, it suggests, more broadly, that the period before the First World War cannot be thought of simply as an ‘Age of Acceleration’, but also needs to be seen as a period in which new kinds of limitation to mobility emerged. In the British colonial port of Durban, although there was in this period a vast increase in shipping activity, seamen were subject to an intense regime of restriction. An immigration bureaucracy initially created to exclude Indian immigrants, also shut out sailors of all nationalities and races. A particular precipitant of this policy was the hostility of Natal officials to the crews of ‘cattleboats’, ships bringing livestock to southern Africa from the Mediterranean, Argentina, Australia, the US and elsewhere. Across the globe, immigration controls in this period were in general less intense than they became after 1914, but in some places, such as Durban, new forms of limitation on mobility were being tried out. The article also highlights the vast worldwide system of labour documentation operated by the British merchant marine through Shipping Offices and Consuls in almost every significant port. Mobility in the British Empire was radically differentiated, with numerous centres of power making their own claims to control movement.


1974 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. Holton

The myth or reality of widespread social unrest in Britain in the period immediately before the First World War has attracted increasing attention among historians in recent years. Debate has centred upon two main themes, namely the character and impact of contemporary labour unrest, and the situation and prospects of the Liberal Party. Was British labour fundamentally disaffected from existing forms of industrial relations and from Parliamentary democracy? Was the pre-1914 Liberal Party already in decline and unable to withstand the advance of the Labour Party? Several recent writers have returned sceptical or largely negative conclusions to questions of this kind. In so doing they have sought to dispel a popularly held notion of incipient social breakdown and imminent social change, proposed amongst others by Dangerfield in The Strange Death of Liberal England.


Author(s):  
Rolf Harald Stensland

AbstractThis article documents the connection between Germany’s raw sulphur requirements and the way in which Norwegian pyrite deposits at Björkaasen in Northern Norway were managed by its owner in Berlin, von Friedländer-Fuld. During the early phase of the war Björkaasen was unprepared for production, but by greatly increasing its labour force it was possible to gear the mines up for exports during the course of the war. The British blockade prevented exports to Germany. Using the railway from Narvik it was possible to export pyrites to Sweden to cover the requirements of the Swedish sulphite cellulose industry. Swedish interests wanted to acquire Björkaasen, but without German partownership, while German majority ownership and corresponding German control of production were Friedländer-Fuld’s basic goals. After Friedländer-Fuld’s death in the summer of 1917 Björkaasen was sold in line with Swedish wishes. The Swedish buyers wanted to re-sell Björkaasen but were unable to do so in a wartime economy that was on the wane.


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