Regulating the Poor through Internal Borders: The EU in Historical and International Perspectives

Tensions surrounding internal migrants’ access to welfare and the associated politicisations about who should shoulder the ‘fiscal burden’ are not unique to the European Union (EU). Based on a Most Different Systems Design and following an institutionalist approach, this article analyses the developments associated with freedom of movement and access to poor relief/social assistance in four economically and politically diverse jurisdictions. It also considers the implications of these developments for the EU. The four cases analysed are industrialising England, contemporary China, Germany, and the United States. Although economic integration was a necessary, it was not a sufficient condition for the abolishment of residence requirements for internal migrants in all four jurisdictions. Moreover, it took political power, various coalitions, or the leadership of actors to overcome the barriers and hurdles on the path to social citizenship in the wider territorial jurisdictions. Solidarity as a precondition did not play a significant role.

Round Table. From Lisbon to Porto: taking stock of developments in EU social policy: Social Europe 2.0? New prospects after the Porto Social Summit

The sequence of crises in the 2010s entirely changed the socio-economic context that had inspired the Lisbon strategy in the year 2000. EU policy veered towards austerity and social policy became an ‘adjustment variable’. Since the mid-2010s, however, a slow process of rebalancing has gained ground, culminating in the adoption of the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR) in 2017. The Porto Summit has confirmed the centrality of the Pillar for a new Social Europe. To appreciate fully the EPSR’s potential, it is necessary to focus not only on binding measures but also on EU incentives and actions aimed at promoting (and partially funding) concrete access to social rights. Especially through the ‘guarantee’ instrument, the EU can play a bigger and more effective role in the sphere of social citizenship, without stumbling into the political obstacles associated with hard law.

Danish satisfaction and Austrian discontent with their governments’ measures during the Covid-19 crisis: Explanations from a citizenship perspective

The various interventions that governments took in the first wave of the Covid-19 outbreak impacted people severely. Given the low satisfaction with the government performance in Austria compared to Denmark, though both governments set out with a suppression strategy early on and were able to lower infection rates, we analyse the changes in civil, political and social citizenship and the governmental communicative practices during the first Covid response phase from March to August 2020. Employing a case-oriented qualitative comparison, we find that a combination of factors explains the different degree of satisfaction. In Austria, there was a combination of politics of fear, extensive and authoritarian regulations of civil citizenship, political citizenship was challenged and social citizenship undermined. In Denmark, an engaging and caring communicative strategy was employed, political citizenship was maintained and civil citizenship was curtailed less obstructively and was less policed. Social citizenship also was upheld for larger groups.

A Carefare Regime

Hungary’s anti-liberal government has invented a novel solution to the care crisis, which I call a “carefare regime”. This chapter describes four key features of the policies, policy practice and discourse that make up Hungary’s carefare regime. I argue that in contrast to welfare state models familiar from developed democracies, in post-2010 Hungary, women’s claims to social citizenship are most successfully made on the basis of doing care work. The state is re-engineered rather retrenched: services are not commodified but “churchified” in an effort to redistribute resources and build political loyalty. Women are constructed as “naturally” responsible for reproduction and care and this responsibility is tied to sentimentalized notions about femininity and true womanhood. In addition to providing care in the household, women are increasingly engaged in the paid labor market too, where the tolerance for gender inequality is officially mandated. A carefare regime provides limited financial advantages for a select group of women, while simultaneously increasing their devalued work burden both in and outside the household: it feeds a growing underclass of women workers.

Construction and Validation of Social Citizenship Index

Background: Social citizenship means creating a situation in which everyone can develop their full potential. Objectives: This study aimed to determine the social citizenship index with its various dimensions in selected countries. Methods: This study used a mixed-methods approach consisting of two phases. In the first phase, social citizenship items were extracted based on a systematic review of previous studies and interviews with experts using direct content analysis. In the second phase, the standardized index was assessed by performing the validity and reliability tests. To combine the dimensions, their values were standardized using the Z score. To analyze the data, factor analysis and normality tests were used. Results: The social citizenship index was categorized into four main dimensions, including health and education, livelihood, economic-political prosperity, and open society. In this study, 125 countries were categorized based on the Social Citizenship Index. The selected countries were classified into three categories based on the opinions of the research group and the cutting point of statistical quartiles: high (32 countries), medium (62 countries), and low (31 countries). Conclusions: It can be concluded that the social citizenship index with four main dimensions and 26 variables is a new tool that allows countries to be compared in the areas of providing welfare services to their citizens.

Intellectual Roots of the Welfare State

This chapter considers the intellectual roots of the welfare state in changing views about states and their competences from the middle of the nineteenth to the middle of the twentieth centuries. This happens in particular national contexts, with differing patterns of both democratization and bureaucratization. From the beginning, we can observe patterns of international learning and policy transfer. This process is traced through a number of national cases: Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the English-speaking nations, Sweden and the United States. Although the welfare state has come to be identified with social citizenship and ‘social justice’, its ideational and normative roots are much more diverse and contested than this. And although the welfare state came to be identified with social democrats, especially after 1945, its origins more usually lie with liberal, or even conservative, forces and ideas.

Gender

This chapter traces how scholars have conceptualized the relationship between gender and welfare states, examining significant differences among mainstream, gender-aware, and feminist perspectives. We discuss how feminist scholarship has broadened scholars’ understanding of social citizenship, how gender structures, and is structured by, the policies and institutions of the welfare state, and how women and men participate in social politics. We describe how insights from intersectionality theory and the adoption of more fluid conceptions of gender have shaped investigations of social policies and politics, bringing greater accuracy to analyses of the gendered effects of welfare states. Finally, we turn to analyses of how welfare states have reorganized in response to crises of care. We conclude by discussing normative debates over the role of welfare states in reducing gender inequalities and supporting people’s choices about care and employment.

Determining PAUD Teachers’ Capability To Develop Sociable Learning Model Through Traditional Sundanese Games.

The application of the Sociable Learning Model has strong relevance as a solution to the problem of early childhood social behavior these days. Meanwhile, the role of Early Childhood Education teachers who have crucial value for Early Childhood cannot be well maximized due to the various restrictions as an effort to handle COVID-19 cases in Indonesia. The implementation of training on the development of the Sociable Learning Model through Traditional Sundanese Games in West Java requires a mapping foundation of the teacher's experiences so that it can provide some meaningful and appropriate resources for further treatments. To accommodate the required data collections, the holding of the workshop is needed to accommodate the variety of teacher's perceptions on the Social Citizenship development efforts in the Early Childhood Education setting that can be a starting point to find out the teacher's basic understanding of the development of social civic behavior in PAUD. The exploration effort is has been carried out by spreading questionnaires to workshop participants to collect various teacher perceptions related to innovations in the development of Social Citizenship Behavioral Skills (PrSKn) based on traditional Sundanese games. Keywords: PrSKn, Sundanese traditional games, Teachers' Competency.