White Compromises and American Prosperity

The development and protection of American Prosperity was contingent upon Northern and Southern white men making compromises that allowed the continuance of slavery. These white compromises in 1787, 1820, 1850, and 1877 not only protected white supremacy, but also unity of the settler’s economy. The Federal government invaded the Southern states not to abolish slavery, but to preserve the union. After the War, during Reconstruction, Blacks started schools, farmed the land, and were elected to local, state, and national offices. This period of Black empowerment was cut short when Northern and Southern states compromised again to allow the establishment of the Jim Crow regime, the terrorism of lynching, and the re-establishment of the Ku Klux Klan. This compromise was disrupted with the 1960s civil rights movements, which has left us today without the unity necessary to create a climate of justice.

Between Nationalism and Beaconism

This study investigated how Chinese people in the U.S. view racism and racial issues from the perspective of Chinese university students in the U.S.. The research is based on Critical Race Theory (CRT) to define racism and found that the majority of Chinese college students regard the situation as a problematic one, and they are supportive of civil rights movements such as Black Lives Matter and Stop Asian Hate. Additionally, though most of the interviewees have not heard of CRT, through their responses to other questions, they show acceptance of the concepts of CRT; for example, almost all of the interviewees responded that they would consider racism as a social problem instead of a personal one.

African American Civil Rights Movements to End Slavery, Racism and Oppression in the Post Slavery Era: A Critique of Booker T. Washington’s Integration Ideology

The Transatlantic Slave trade began during the 15th century when Portugal and subsequently other European kingdoms were able to expand overseas and reach Africa. The Portuguese first began to kidnap people from the West Coast of Africa and took those that they enslaved to Europe. This saw a lot of African men and women transported to Europe and America to work on the huge plantations that the Whites owned. The transportation of these Africans exposed them to inhumane treatments which they faced even upon the arrival at their various destinations. The emancipation Proclamation signed on 1st January 1863 by the United States President Abraham Lincoln saw a legal stop to slave trade. However, the African Americans that had been taken to the United States and settled especially in the Southern region faced discrimination, segregation, violence and were denied civil rights through segregation laws such as the Jim Crow laws and lynching, based on the color of their skin. This forced them especially those that had acquired an education to rise up and speak against this treatment. They formed Civil Rights Movements to advocate for Black rights and equal treatment. These protracted movements, despite continued violence on Blacks, Culminated in Barack Obama being elected the first African American President of the United States of America. To cement the victory, he won a second term, which Donald Trump failed to obtain. This paper sought to critic the philosophies of Booker T. Washington in his civil rights movement, particularly his ideologies of integration, self-help, racial solidarity and accommodation as expressed in his speech, “the Atlanta Compromise,” and the impact this had on the political and civil rights arena for African Americans.

Introduction

This introductory chapter outlines the book’s main arguments regarding its two primary themes -- racism and resistance. The military represented a sprawling structure of white supremacy and of African American, Japanese American, and other nonwhite subordination. And varied freedom struggles arose in response, democratizing portions of the wartime military and setting the postwar stage for its desegregation and for the flowering of civil rights movements beyond. The chapter also describes the book’s source base -- more than one hundred distinct archival collections, oral histories, published primary sources, and the vast secondary-source literature on World War II. It also discusses its key concepts, especially the terms division, color line, boundary, and divide. Finally, the chapter explains the particularities of the US military and the need for its long-overdue intensive study.

Divisions

Divisions examines racism and resistance in America’s World War II military. The military built not one color line, but a complex tangle of them, involving every imaginable aspect of military life. Who served? Who fought? Who died? Who gave orders and who was forced to follow them? Who received the best ratings and jobs and pay and promotions? Who was court-martialed? Who received furloughs and leaves? Who received honorable or dishonorable discharges? Who ate at the officers’ club? Who danced at the post’s main recreation center? Who drank at the best pub in Cherbourg, France, or swam in the nicest pool in Calcutta? Color lines, which divided American troops in various configurations, often spoke definitively in all these matters and more. Taken together, they represented a sprawling structure of white supremacy and of African American, Japanese American, and other nonwhite subordination. Varied freedom struggles arose in response, democratizing portions of the wartime military and setting the postwar stage for its desegregation and for the flowering of civil rights movements beyond. But the costs of the military’s color lines were devastating. They impeded America’s war effort, undermined the nation’s Four Freedoms rhetoric, traumatized, even killed, an unknowable number of nonwhite troops, further naturalized the very concept of race, deepened many whites’ investments in white supremacy, especially anti-black racism, and further fractured the American people.

8. Hate crime

This chapter addresses hate crimes, which are complex, as these offences can be linked to both personal gain or even profit, as well as concepts such as ‘difference’ and ‘othering’. This area of criminology came about primarily because the civil rights movements in the US and the UK raised the profile of racist and (later) homophobic violence so that they became important political and social issues. The chapter looks at a range of different types of hate crime, including offences based on prejudice towards victims because of their disability, race or ethnicity, religion or beliefs, sexual orientation, and gender identity. It also identifies some of the factors that can affect these offences in ways that are not immediately obvious. These elements include the influence politicians can have, especially when using language that excludes minority groups and portrays them as a threat to the public or as somehow being ‘Other’ (different and arguably not to be trusted).

Slaying the Monsters of Racism: A Geertzian Reading of Night of the Living Dead

Religion and culture are interact with each other, and by the definition of Clifford Geertz, rituals can be expressed by quite a lot of ways in art. No one can doubt that in our world we are surrounded by religious symbols, which represent themselves via paintings, musics and movies. In this article, the author wants to elaborate how the horror movie, this unique movie genre, worked in illustrate social issues of civil rights movements of 1960s. In Night of the Living Dead, the zombies represent the middle class racism and the complacency about racism, which are indifferent and bloodthirsty. The dynamic process of killing the zombies presents the rituals of the U.S. that the heroes always conquer the evil. On the other hand, the evil always stands for the shortcoming of humans. The fighting between the righteous and the evil never stops.

Orange is the New Asylum: Incarceration of Individuals with Disabilities

Individuals with disabilities and/or mental health concerns were historically removed from society and placed in institutions and asylums. Advocacy groups, drawing on civil rights movements, protested and lobbied for deinstitutionalization and increased inclusion of disabled individuals in schools and communities (Chapman et al., 2014). Although disabled individuals have more rights and access than ever before, they are still segregated in schools, encounter the judicial system more often, and are murdered by police (Reingle Gonzalez et al., 2016). We examine the history of and ongoing incarceration of individuals with differences in the United States through analyzing contextual variables as well as systemic inequities, including school-to-prison-pipeline, access to services, and prison infrastructure. We offer resources and actionable ways for behavior analysts to begin antiracist and anti-disableist work, apply principles of behavior analysis to address personal and systemic racism, and engage in advocacy toward a more just and equitable future for all.

Bearing Witness While Black

Bearing Witness While Black: African Americans, Smartphones and the New Protest #Journalism tells the story of this century’s most powerful black social movement through the eyes of 15 activists. At the height of the Black Lives Matter uprisings, African Americans filmed and tweeted evidence of fatal police encounters, spurring a global debate on excessive police force, which disproportionately claimed the lives of African Americans. The book reveals how smartphones, social media, and social justice empowered black activists to create their own news outlets, continuing a centuries-long, African American tradition of using the news to challenge racism. It identifies three overlapping eras of domestic terror against African American people—slavery, lynching, and police brutality—and the journalism documenting their atrocities, generating a genealogy showing how slave narratives of the 1700s inspired the abolitionist movement; black newspapers of the 1800s galvanized the anti-lynching and civil rights movements; and smartphones of today powered the anti–police brutality movement. This lineage of black witnessing, the book shows, is formidable and forever evolving. The text is informed by the author’s activism. Personal accounts of her teaching and her own experiences of police brutality are woven into the book to share how she has inspired black youth to use mobile devices to speak up from the margins. Bearing Witness While Black conveys a crucial need to protect our right to look into the forbidden space of violence against black bodies and to continue to regard the smartphone as an instrument of moral suasion and social change.

Introduction

This introductory chapter, by volume editors Adam Cureton and David Wasserman, provides an overview of the Handbook. Its first section covers the history of philosophical thinking about disability, from the 19th century to the disability rights movements of the 20th century and present-day. Following this is an outline of the purpose of the book, discussing how disability raises some of the deepest conceptual and normative issues about human embodiment and well-being; dignity, respect, justice and equality; and personal and social identity. Chapters will cover these as well as pressing practical questions for educational, health, reproductive, and technology policy, and confront controversial questions about the scope and direction of the human and civil rights movements. The introduction concludes with chapter summaries.