JUSTIFICATION OF THE NEED TO IMPROVE ECONOMIC SAFETY ON THE EXAMPLE OF OOO DSOYA

Непростая экономическая обстановка не только в России, но и в мире, в связи с распространением коронавирусной инфекции, кризисные ситуации с остановкой работы на многих предприятиях на фоне пандемии актуальным вопросом является повышение уровня экономической безопасности. The difficult economic situation not only in Russia, but also in the world, due to the spread of coronavirus infection, crisis situations with work stoppages at many enterprises against the backdrop of a pandemic, an urgent issue is to increase the level of economic security.

Crossed Wires in the Motor City: A Genealogy and Analysis of the 1967 Riots and the 1968 Strike Wave in Detroit

In the years 1967 and 1968 the city of Detroit was the site of two waves of rebellion. The riot of 1967 was one of the largest and most costly urban rebellions in U.S. history. And in the ashes of the ‘67 insurrection a wave of strikes began shutting down the sprawling factories of the auto industry. These strikes were organized by militant Black workers who later founded the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, an organization that characterized itself as the “ideological inheritor” of the riot. This article situates the League within the global moment of 1968, discusses the relationship of work stoppages to circulation struggles, and examines how the participants’ experience in riots, both on the streets of Detroit and in the prisons around the state, informed the praxis and politics of the League.

“They are nothing but birdbrains!”

From 1901, the Parisian clothing trades saw a remarkable escalation of labor activism and subsequent legislative reform driven by and on behalf of the more than 80,000 women working in the capital’s couture industry. Time and again (in 1901, 1908, 1910, 1911, 1916, 1917, 1918, and 1919), the midinettes of Paris took to the boulevards in work stoppages that captured unprecedented media attention and garnered meaningful gains for garment workers across the city. French journalists, government officials, and labor leaders alike promoted a romantic and infantilizing vision of the female garment strikers as insouciant girls in need of paternal care (whether of the state, union, or reforming bourgeoisie), and replicated the pervasive belle époque type of the midinette. In the face of strikes in the heavily feminine garment trades, an image of the female Parisian fashion worker as charmingly capricious and pleasure-loving persisted. This chapter assesses the symbolic work performed by such a persistence, and also attends to the workingwomen who lamented the condescension of strike coverage and stressed their own demands and experience. In tracing the discursive work of the midinette as type, this chapter draws upon archival material from the Préfecture de Police, union journals, cartoons, workers’ memoirs, reform inquiries, songs, novels, and newspapers. The aestheticization of workingwomen had real consequences for the handling of garment trade militancy by the press, politicians, police, labor leaders, and couture workers themselves. It also framed the evolution of a new brand of militant midinette over the course of these strikes

Inspiring Indiscipline

On the construction site the enforcement of labor discipline is mostly based on personal whim. Rules are made up on the spot and punishments depend on the mood or the goodwill of individual Chinese foremen. This type of labor regime leads to a loss of managerial credibility and inspires indiscipline on the part of Ethiopian workers. Subversion can be subtle, expressed with humor and through play, but transgressions can also evolve into open defiance, such as work stoppages and labor strikes. Voting with their feet is yet another strategy that Ethiopian laborers employ to play one Chinese enterprise off against the other, forcing management to increase wages and improve employment conditions in the process. Taken together, these subversive acts challenge Chinese managers, so much so that they are disciplined by their own workers.

From conflict to compromise: the importance of mediation in Swedish work stoppages 1907–1927

Institutions for prevention and resolution of industrial conflicts were introduced all over the world in the early twentieth century. We use a new dataset of geocoded strikes and lockouts to analyze the impact of mediation on conflict outcomes in Sweden for the period 1907–1927. Causality is identified by using the distance from the mediator’s place of residence to the conflict as an instrument. Despite the mediators’ limited authority we find that their involvement in a conflict resulted in about 30 percent higher probability of a compromise. The results add support to institutionalist accounts of the origins of the Swedish Model.

Modeling the Completion Time of Public School Building Projects Using Neural Networks

The Ministry of Education in Iraq is confronting a colossal deficiency in school buildings while stakeholders of government funded school buildings projects are experiencing the ill effects of extreme delays caused by many reasons. Those stakeholders are particularly worried to know ahead of time (at contract assignment) the expected completion time of any new school building project. As indicated by a previous research conducted by the authors, taking into account the opinions of Iraqi experts involved with government funded school building projects, nine major causes of delay in school building projects were affirmed through a questionnaire survey specifically are; the contractor's financial status, delay in interim payments, change orders, the contractor rank, work stoppages, the contract value, experience of the supervising engineers, the contract duration and delay penalty. In this research, two prediction models (A and B) were produced to help the concerned decision makers to foresee the expected completion time of typically designed school building projects having (12) and (18) classes separately. The ANN multi-layer feed forward with back-propagation algorithm was utilized to build up the mathematical equations. The created prediction equations demonstrated a high degree of average accuracy of (96.43%) and (96.79%) for schools having (12) and (18) classes, with (R2) for both ANN models of (79.60%) and (85.30%) respectively. It was found that the most influential parameters of both models were the ratio of the sum of work stoppages to the contract duration, the ratio of contractor's financial status to the contract value, the ratio of delay penalty to the total value of contract and the ratio of mean interim payments duration to the contract duration.

Stepping Up the Degrees of Resistance

This chapter looks at how on the plantations and farms of nineteenth-century Florida, enslaved people, like their counterparts throughout the South, rarely rose up in rebellion against their masters. In their daily dissidence, slaves—as Gerald W. Mullin noted for eighteenth-century slaves in Virginia—more commonly used inward or non-threatening forms of rebellion that did not undermine Florida′s slave society in any profound manner. These could involve work stoppages and feigned illnesses, among other things. Yet, enslaved Florida blacks often did not bite their tongues when expressing thoughts about their work routines. These tactics could have proven self-destructive and even fatal in a violent Florida frontier area, but slaves still used these token forms of rebellion to wrest concessions from their masters as they strove to create, preserve, and protect family and community.

Movements and Resistance in the United States, 1800 to the Present

A study of social movements advances a people’s history of the United States, providing a window into the ways ordinary people often took extraordinary measures to make laws, workplace conditions, the educational system, the quality of home life, and public spaces more open and responsive to the needs and concerns of marginalized groups. With the rise of industrial capitalism in the early 1800s came a host of social ills that prompted individuals to form organizations that enabled them to operate as a force for social change. As the Native American Chief Sitting Bull is purported to have said, “As individual fingers we can easily be broken, but together we form a mighty fist.” The 1800s through the early 21st century provides numerous examples of people acting together as a mighty fist. As early as 1824, workers in textile mills in the Northeast United States enacted work stoppages and strikes in reaction to wage cuts and deplorable working conditions. The movement to abolish slavery in the mid-1800s provided a way for disenfranchised black men and women, such as the eloquent Frederick Douglass and Maria Stewart, as well as white women, to speak and organize publically. In the area of labor, female and black workers, excluded from the more formal organizing of trade unions through the American Federation of Labor, organized their own labor meetings (e.g., the National Labor Convention of the Colored Men of the United States), unions (e.g., the Women’s Trade Union League), and strikes (e.g., the Uprising of 20,000). By the late1800s through the 1930s, American socialism and the Communist Party, USA, influenced the philosophy and tactics employed by labor activists, many of whom were factory girls who played a formidable role in mass walk-outs in the Progressive Era. Struggles for workplace and civil rights continued throughout the 20th century to undo Jim Crow and segregation, to advocate for civil rights, to advance the rights of women in the workplace, and more recently, to fight for the rights of the lesbian/gay/bisexual/transgender communities, undocumented workers, and immigrants, and to fight against the police repression of black and brown communities and against imperialism and globalization. Activists’ tools for resistance have been as diverse as their causes and include petitioning formal legislative bodies, picketing and rallying, engaging in work stoppages, occupation of public spaces (e.g., sit-downs, walk-outs, occupying squares and parks), and most recently, using social media platforms, blogs, and other forms of Internet activism to facilitate empowerment of marginalized groups and progressive social change. The Internet has provided an important tool for facilitating international connections of solidarity in struggle. Although what follows focuses specifically on movements in the United States from roughly the 1800s to the present, efforts should continue to focus on the ways movements join forces across and around the globe.

Empty Seats or Empty Threats? Examining the Effects of the 1994-1995 and 2004-2005 Lockouts on Attendance and Revenue in the National Hockey League

Labor-related work stoppages in professional sports have the potential to alienate fans—but whether they generate sustained reductions in demand remains an open question. Existing evidence generally indicates work stoppages may negatively impact attendance but only for a short period of time. Focusing on the 1994, 2004, and 2012 lockouts in the National Hockey League, this article finds evidence consistent with sustained decreases in attendance following the 1994-1995 lockout and revenue following the 2004-2005 and 2012-2013 lockouts. Back-of-the-envelope estimates suggest work stoppages may still be optimal even if there is a sustained negative impact on fan demand.