A People’s Future of Leisure Studies: Political Cultural Black Outdoors Experiences

Public lands and the outdoor opportunities they afford are imbued with a long history of cultural and political contestations between the White settler colonial regime, Black and Native Americans. These contestations are grounded in starkly different values and beliefs systems pertaining to the landscape and human-nature relations. Despite the contestations, whiteness continues to dominate the narratives about public lands and its institutions. Furthermore, the ideology of wilderness - as a place of refuge, the antidote to urban living – remains the main frame of reference to explore outdoor experiences. Thus, as researchers continue to espouse this ideology of wilderness, they effectively suppress the experiences and values that African Americans and other people of color hold towards nature and historically shaped by their social and political realities. The history of slavery, post-slavery and Black dispossession, have conjured up innovative Black diasporic cultural practices of resistance, survival and self-determination. Through hidden outdoor spaces they have forged a culture of resistance, built social structures centered on African traditional practices, and engaged in alternative modes of environmental stewardship. The Black outdoors culture today have roots in this robust legacy of resistance and political struggle for self-determination and provide inspiration for outdoor recreation and environmental education programs that culturally and politically relevant to African Americans. In this paper we engage in an investigation on Black peoples’ political outlook of the outdoors and/or their political outlook on engagement with those spaces both historically and presently. In doing so, we first call attention to the need to critically examine diversity practices designed to accommodate a multi-cultural society and how they contribute to a cultural hegemony. We also review the history of research on outdoor experiences putting into sharper relief the Euro-centric values that dominate the analysis and maintain the cultural power of white racial identities. Finally, pulling from African American literary works, we propose Black-centered interpretations of nature centered on their cultural worldviews and political resistance against hegemonic models of dispossession, abstraction and commodification. The aim here is to advocate for the co-existence of multiple cultural imaginaries of nature defined by the social and political realities of different racialized people, thus responding to the call for different paradigms of outdoor recreation highlighted in this special issue.

From the philosophy of corporate social responsibility to the market and political realities of ESG

The theory of corporate social responsibility, ideologically formed in the USA in the second half of the twentieth century, significantly influenced both the practice of international business and the views of scientists in the field of economics and sociology. The moral obligation of corporations to participate in solving social problems, in charity, educational and cultural projects began to be perceived as something ordinary, as a kind of voluntary social tax. At the same time, representatives of a number of economic schools have long criticized this approach, believing, firstly, that the principal goal of big business is the growth of shareholders’ capital, and secondly, such a social obligation looks very amorphous, assuming only reputational costs for an entrepreneur in case of his evasion from the implementation of CSR programs. In our opinion, the situation is currently changing dramatically. This approach is being radically transformed under the influence of ESG ideas and practices, whose standards become structured and mandatory for companies in case of their access to premium markets.

Ideological Polarization as a Deception Strategy in the Discourse of American Think Tanks: A Critical Discourse Analysis

Deception is an inseparable facet of political discourse in attaining strategic political gains though compromising public opinion. However, the employment of discursive deception strategies by the policy-making institutions of think tanks has not received due attention in the literature. The current study aims at exploring how the ideologizing deception strategies are utilized by the conservative American think tank of the Washington Institute to reproduce socio-political realities and re-shape public opinion. To fulfill this task, van Dijk’s (2000) notion of ideological polarization which shows positive self-representation and negative other representation is adopted to conduct a critical discourse analysis of four Arabic texts released with the main focus on four different political topics. Results reveal the centrality of employing deception strategies for the sake of realizing political wins for establishing an ideological hegemony while simultaneously polarizing an Us against Them extreme.

Dwujęzyczne hybrydy składniowe w tekstach naukowych

Bilingual Syntactic Hybrids in Scientific TextsThis article is devoted to the phenomenon of such quotation of foreign language lexemes whereby their form depends on the syntactic requirements of the language in which the main text is written, e.g. “dojść do соглашения”. Connections of this type can sometimes also be found in scientific publications, e.g. in articles in Polish describing the Russian language (lexical or grammatical issues, etc.) or Russian cultural and political realities. The study analyses this phenomenon on the basis of selected examples. In sentences quoting foreign language material in this way, the boundary between two languages (e.g. Ukrainian and Polish, Belarusian and Russian, etc.) and their respective syntactic systems is blurred. Dwujęzyczne hybrydy składniowe w tekstach naukowychW artykule omówione zostało zjawisko takiego przytaczania leksemów obcojęzycznych w tekście, w którym ich forma staje się zależna od wymagań składniowych języka, w jakim napisany jest tekst podstawowy, por. np. „dojść do соглашения”. Połączenia tego typu można czasami spotkać także w publikacjach naukowych, np. w artykułach w języku polskim, opisujących język rosyjski (leksykalnie, gramatycznie itd.) lub np. rosyjskie realia kulturowe i polityczne. W artykule zjawisko to zostało przeanalizowane na podstawie wybranych przykładów. W zdaniach operujących omawianym typem przytaczania materiału obcojęzycznego dochodzi do zacierania granicy pomiędzy dwoma językami (np. ukraińskim i polskim, białoruskim i rosyjskim) oraz ich systemami składniowymi.

Pakistani Police Governance and Accountability: Challenges and Recommendations

The persistence of massive corruption, a lack of accountability, departmental clashes, constitutional crisis, and a deteriorating law and order situation, particularly in the police department, are ample indicators of the country's poor governance. Pakistan has been engulfed by opinionated volatility and turbulence, resulting in the formation of a dark crevice in the country's economic growth and development. Good governance cannot be respected while there is opinionated disarray, a politician's appetite for power, and an unreformed Police Department. The current police system in Pakistan was designed by the British in 1861 to address a more diverse set of social, administrative, and political realities than the country currently portrays. Numerous national and international experts have concluded that colonial architecture is unsuitable for Pakistan. Pakistan requires comprehensive police reforms as a necessary component of the national framework, regardless of which party is in power. The public interest in reclaiming law enforcement's value has never been greater than it is today. There is growing recognition that the assignment requires concentrated effort. There can be no expectation of momentous police reforms without a continuing corporation and partnership edifice among the major players involved. A progressive and unwavering political leadership, a towering altitude of public support, and an enthused and well-led general public that demands higher standards of police performance are all necessary components of change and good governance.

Edward Azar’s Protracted Social Conflict Theory and Drivers of Self-Determination: the Case of Nigeria

Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar’s protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism.

Виклики та можливості розвитку прав людини і бізнес-сфери в Бразилії та Латинській Америці: теорія спільного конституційного проєкту для Латинської Америки (А Ius Constitutionale Commune)

In her article, Brazilian professor Daniela Ann Pamplona describes the role of the JointConstitutional Project for Latin America (ICCAL) in strengthening the investment potential of LatinAmerican countries, strengthening the capacity of Latin American countries and businesses to respectand protect human rights. ICCAL is the latest theory developed by Armin von Bogdandi, MarielaMorales Antoniazzi and Flavia Piovesan at the Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law andInternational Law, which seeks to promote the transformation of social and political realities in LatinAmerica to create the necessary democratic conditions. and human rights. The current situation in theregion is characterized by a number of multifaceted challenges: high poverty rates, deep social gapsthat limit access to opportunities, especially for the most vulnerable; Ethnic groups and indigenouspeoples are not protected and respected in the implementation of macro-projects, such as mining,the lack of norms and practices on the obligation of companies to consult widely with indigenous andtribal peoples and to ensure their participation in any decision to intervene affects their territories.ICCAL’s approach to business and human rights is based on various Inter-American Court rulingsthat recognize the role of companies in adversely affecting human rights, but at the same time clearlyarticulate the human rights obligations of governments and businesses in terms of the HumanRights Guidelines. As the author explains, the potential role of ICCAL is that it can be a practicalguide for interpreting different national norms and helping to strengthen weaker states. It can alsostrengthen dialogue between countries in the region and with the Inter-American Human RightsSystem. Cohesion around the meaning and content of human rights will allow states and companiesto more effectively coordinate and coordinate actions to promote human rights.

Prawo cywilne PRL — wybrane zagadnienia prawa autorskiego

The author, presenting in a limited way the results of research on the law of the Polish People’s Republic, discusses two institutions regulated in the 1952 Act on copyright — the compulsory license under art. 16 and 17 and the implementation of the Council of Ministers’s powers (resulting from art. 33 § 1) to determine the principles and rates of remuneration for authors and contract templates. In accordance with art. 33 § 2, in relation to the provisions of the contracts covered by them, they were absolutely binding. The first of them limited the protection of subjective “ownership” rights to works, enabling their specific, although limited by their function, “expropriation”, while the second resulted in a significant and real restriction of the freedom of contracts regarding the use and disposal of copyright to works. This analysis leads to the conclusion that adapting the law shaped in a different system and political realities — in this case, its specific “totalization” — does not require large-scale changes in the existing regulation. It is only enough to modify the institutions of fundamental importance for the implementation of the principles of a specific political order. At the same time, in the reality of the totalitarian state of the Polish People’s Republic, the acts issued on the basis of art. 33 of the Copyright Act of 1952 were the most important to fulfil the purpose of these principles.