MENJADI ISTRI DIPLOMAT: HURUSTIATI SOEBANDRIO DALAM MEMBENTUK CITRA INDONESIA DI INGGRIS 1947-1954

In the history of Indonesian diplomacy, there have been several outstanding diplomat figures who have made achievements, such as Soebandrio. Then, it is important to realize that the success of Soebandrio in connecting Indonesia with the world when he was in London and Moscow; and his role in various significant state missions cannot be apart from his wife’s role, Hurustiati Soebandrio. During Soebandrio’s career, Hurustiati’s diplomatic role began when her husband became the Indonesian Ambassador in London, at least from 1947 to 1954. During that time, Hurustiati took part in various efforts to build a good image of Indonesia to support the implementation of foreign policy. This study focuses on examining the role of Hurustiati Soebandrio as a wife of a diplomat from 1947 to 1954. Therefore, the study aims to present the role of women as diplomatic wives in the writing of the history of Indonesian diplomacy. In general, it also aims to encourage the writing of a history of diplomacy that pays attention to the role of women. This study employed the historical method by placing archives, magazines, and newspapers as primary sources. The study shows three images of Indonesia that Hurustiati formed in London, namely Indonesia as an independent country, a country that try to reach gender equality, and a multicultural county. To achieve these three images, Hurustiati made various efforts, such as giving official lectures, holding talks with diplomatic officials and their wives, and initiating exhibitions.

SENGKETA INDONESIA DAN TIMOR LESTE TERKAIT PERJANJIAN PERBATASAN MARITIM

The State of Timor Leste is an independent and sovereign country in the 21st (twenty-first) century with its official name Democratica de Timor-Leste (RTL). Timor-Leste went through a long history to be able to stand alone as an independent country. Prior to the independence of Timor-Leste, it was called East Timor, which was a former colony of the Portuguese which later merged into the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. It is recorded in history that integration was formalized on July 17, 1976. Then East Timor officially became the 27th province of the Republic of Indonesia and became the youngest province at that time. In history, Timor-Leste was colonized by the Portuguese for 450 years, the Dutch for 3 years, and Indonesia for 24 years. Under the leadership of the United Nations through the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor.The establishment of Timor-Leste became a necessary new state on the border, especially with Indonesia. The issue of maritime boundaries between Indonesia and Timor-Leste has not yet been agreed. The method used is normative. Based on UNCLOS 1982, if maritime boundaries are included in the territory of state ownership, the principle used is the principle of equidistance. Second, there is no clear authority within the borders of Indonesia so that the current condition of Indonesia's borders, especially in terms of security, is not conducive. Third, based on Article 3 of UNCLOS, both countries have the right to the width of their territorial sea up to a limit of 12 miles from the baseline, if their territorial seas do not overlap. Negara Timor Leste merupakan negara yang merdeka dan berdaulat pada abad ke-21 (dua puluh satu) dengan nama resminya Democratica de Timor-Leste (RTL) merupakan suatu negara yang tidak terlalu besar yang terletak di Benua Australia dan timur Negara Indonesia. Timor-Leste melewati sejarah yang panjang hingga dapat berdiri sendiri sebagai suatu negara yang merdeka. Sebelum merdekanya Timor-Leste dahulunya disebut Timor-Timur yang merupakan wilayah bekas jajahan Bangsa Portugis yang kemudian bergabung dalam kesatuan Negara Republik Indonesia. Dalam sejarah tercatat bahwa integrasi telah diresmikan pada 17 Juli 1976. Selanjutnya, Timor-Timur resmi menjadi provinsi ke-27 Negara Republik Indonesia dan menjadi provinsi paling muda di saat itu. Dalam sejarah Timor-Leste d jajah oleh Bangsa Portugis selama 450 tahun, Belanda 3 tahun, dan Indonesia selama 24 tahun. Dibawah pimpinan PBB melalui lembaga.United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor.Berdirinya Timor-Leste menjadi negara baru diperlukan batas wilayah khususnya dengan Indonesia. Pemasalahan batas maritim antara Indonesia dan Timor-Leste sampai saat ini belum ada kesepakatan. Adapun metode yang digunakan adalah normatif. Berdasarkan UNCLOS 1982 apabila batas maritim masuk ke dalam wilayah kedaulatan negara, maka prinsip yang dipergunakan adalah prinsip sama jarak (equidistance). Kedua, tidak adanya wewenang yang jelas dalam pengelolaan perbatasan Indonesia sehingga kondisi perbatasan Indonesia saat ini terutama dari sisi stabilitas keamanan belum kondusif. Ketiga, berdasarkan Pasal 3 UNCLOS kedua negara mempunyai hak atas lebar laut teritorialnya sampai batas 12 mil diukur dari garis pangkal, apabila tidak saling tumpang tindih wilayah laut teritorialnya.

Independent Country Program Review Suriname 2016-2020

This Independent Country Program Review (ICPR) analyzes the IDB Group's country strategy (CS) and country program with Suriname during the 2016-2020 period. ICPRs assess the relevance of the Bank's CS and provide aggregate information on the program alignment and execution. If the available information allows it, ICPRs also report on progress toward achieving the objectives that the IDB Group established by the CS. This review by the Office of Evaluation and Oversight (OVE) is intended to provide the Boards of Executive Directors of the IDB and IDB Invest with useful information to analyze the country strategies submitted for their consideration.

Meniti Jalan Nasionalisasi Aset Perusahaan Belanda Di Indonesia: Menguntungkan Atau Merugikan

Abstrak: Indonesia sebagai negara merdeka memiliki cita-cita berdikari dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan. Salah satunya di bidang ekonomi sebagai pilar pembangunan. Cara yang ditempuh untuk menata kehidupan ekonomi dilakukan dengan penuh liku-liku. Langkah-langkah yang ditempuh diantaranya dengan menasionalisasi berbagai bangunan umum vital milik asing dengan pembayaran ganti rugi. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalis jalan yang ditempuh oleh pemerintah guna melakukan nasionalisasi, pelaksanaan nasionalisasi dalam berbagai sektor perusahaan milik Belanda, dan pengaruh nasionalisasi perusahaan terhadap berbagai bidang kehidupan seperti ekonomi, politik, dan sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari lima langkah: heuristik (pengumpulan sumber), kritik (verifikasi sumber), interpretasi (penafsiran), dan historiografi (penulisan sejarah). Hasil penelitian menunjukan jika cikal bakal nasionalisasi perusahaan-perusahaan dimulai sejak masa pergerakan nasional yang mengarah pada konsep Indonesianisasi, proses pelaksanaan nasionaliasi mengacu pada Undang-Undang Nomor 86 Tahun 1958 Tentang Nasionalisasi Perusahaan-Perusahaan Milik Belanda. Mengenai teknis pelaksanaan nasionalisasi perusahaan Belanda diatur pada Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 3 Tahun 1959 tentang pembentukan Badan Nasionalisasi Perusahaan Belanda. Perusahaan yang dinasionalisasi bergerak dalam bidang pertanian dan perkebunan, perdagangan, industri dan tambang, perbankan, listrik dan gas, transportasi, dan konstruksi. Pengaruh dari nasionaliasi berupa keluarnya modal, goyahnya neraca keuangan, dan administrasi perusahaan. Perusahaan yang dinasionaliasi dalam perjalannya berubah menjadi BUMN.Kata kunci: nasionalisasi, perusahaan, BelandaAbstract: Indonesia as an independent country has aspirations to be independent in various fields of life. One of them is in the economic sector as a pillar of development. The method taken to organize economic life was carried out in a twisted manner. The steps taken include nationalizing various vital public buildings owned by foreigners with compensation payments. This study aims to analyze the path taken by the government to nationalize, the implementation of nationalization in various sectors of Dutch-owned companies, and the effects of company nationalization on various fields of life such as the economy, politics, and society. This research uses the historical method which consists of five steps: heuristics (source collection), criticism (source verification), interpretation (interpretation), and historiography (historical writing). The results showed that if the nationalization of companies started from the time of the national movement that led to the concept of Indonesianization, the process of implementing nationalization referred to Law Number 86 of 1958 concerning the Nationalization of Dutch Owned Companies. Regarding the technical implementation of the nationalization of Dutch companies, it is regulated in Government Regulation Number 3 of 1959 concerning the formation of the Dutch Company Nationalization Agency. The nationalized companies are engaged in agriculture and plantation, trade, industry and mining, banking, electricity and gas, transportation, and construction. The effects of nationalization are in the form of capital outflows, unstable balance sheets, and company administration. Companies that are nationalized on the way turn into BUMN.Keywords: nationalization, company, Netherlands

The Relationship between Political and Cultural Identity: A Case of Bengali Muslim of Bangladesh

Bangladesh’s ages old Bengali culture and heritage started from its language. Bangladesh has appeared as an independent country not long ago. It had to pay millions of lives within short period of time for its independence from Pakistan. This study will try to focus on the root cause which had affected the public perceptions and mobilise them towards war and defined their cultural identity. This article also discusses culture, cultural and political identity and their relationship in changing political thought and lastly the development of Bengali cultural identity into a political one in Muslim majority Bangladesh.<br>

The Relationship between Political and Cultural Identity: A Case of Bengali Muslim of Bangladesh

Bangladesh’s ages old Bengali culture and heritage started from its language. Bangladesh has appeared as an independent country not long ago. It had to pay millions of lives within short period of time for its independence from Pakistan. This study will try to focus on the root cause which had affected the public perceptions and mobilise them towards war and defined their cultural identity. This article also discusses culture, cultural and political identity and their relationship in changing political thought and lastly the development of Bengali cultural identity into a political one in Muslim majority Bangladesh.<br>

De BMGN en het Verenigd Koninkrijk der Nederlanden (1813-1840)

In dit artikel wordt nagegaan welke bijdrage de jubilerende BMGN leverde aan de geschiedschrijving over het Verenigd Koninkrijk der Nederlanden (VKN), en dus aan het onderzoek over het samengaan van Noord en Zuid tussen 1815 en 1830 en de scheiding van 1830-1839. In vergelijking met andere periodes en thema’s is de oogst vrij mager, ook al is dit een onderwerp dat zonder meer thuishoort in een tijdschrift met een Nederlands-Vlaamse redactie. Maar in Nederland noch in België is de studie van het VKN een bijzonder geliefd onderwerp. Wanneer na 1945 de contemporaine geschiedenis in beide landen doorbreekt, en zeker na 1970, komt dit onderwerp wel meer aan de orde, ook in de BMGN. Onder invloed van de nouvelle histoire komt er meer ruimte voor zakelijke, kritische en demystifiërende benaderingen, die zowel Nederlandse als Vlaamse historici op de geschiedenis van het VKN toepassen. De herdenking van 150 jaar België zwengelt vanaf 1980 de samenwerking tussen de historici van beide landen aan. De economische geschiedenis van het VKN wordt zelfs het onderwerp van meerdere discussiefora in BMGN. Maar ook het politieke bestel en de kerk-staat relatie worden er vernieuwend benaderd, en dit geldt eveneens voor de onderwijsgeschiedenis, het weldadigheidsbeleid en de rol van de leidende elites. Vanaf de jaren 1990 krijgen cultuurhistorische benaderingen en processen van natievorming volop aandacht, terwijl 200 jaar VKN een boost in de historiografie veroorzaakt. Kortom, zonder te willen beweren dat de BMGN de geschiedenis van het VKN tussen 1814 en 1839 in al haar aspecten onderzoekt, zijn de bijdragen, recensies en discussiedossiers van het tijdschrift onontbeerlijk voor elke geschiedschrijver van het VKN.This article examines how the BMGN, now celebrating its jubilee, has contributed to the historiography of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands (VKN) and consequently to research on the convergence between North and South from 1815 to 1830 and their separation of 1830-1839. Compared with what is available on other periods and themes, the material here is far from plentiful, even though this subject certainly belongs in a journal with a Dutch-Flemish editorial board. Neither in the Netherlands nor in Belgium, however, do studies devoted to the VKN abound. After 1945, with the rise of contemporary history in the two countries, and certainly after 1970, this subject surfaces more frequently, including in the BMGN. Influenced by the nouvelle histoire, interest among Dutch and Flemish historians in the history of the VKN has become more straightforward, discerning and demystifying. From 1980 the celebration of 150 years of Belgium as an independent country has been inspiring joint efforts between historians from the two countries. The economic history of the VKN is even highlighted in several discussions in the BMGN. The political system and the churchstate relationship are considered from a similarly innovative perspective, as is the history of education, policy on charitable endeavours and the role of the leading elites. From the 1990s cultural-historical approaches and nation-building processes have been receiving extensive consideration, while the bicentennial anniversary of the VKN gives historiography a boost. Without claiming that the BMGNembodies research on all aspects of the history of the VKN between 1814 and 1839, the contributions, book reviews and discussion sections of the journal are indispensable for every historian of the VKN.

1. Defining the Constitution?

This chapter identifies evaluative criteria that readers may wish to keep in mind when considering the description and analysis of the United Kingdom’s current constitutional arrangements presented in the rest of the book. The chapter begins by exploring what we might regard from a contemporary perspective as the essential features of the governmental systems adopted in a ‘democratic’ state. In order to illustrate the very contested nature of this concept of ‘democracy’, the chapter presents and analyses several hypothetical examples of what we might (or might not) regard as acceptable forms of governance, and explores the the notion of a country’s constitution being properly described as as a social and political contract formulated by its citizens. The chapter concludes by examining briefly the solutions adopted by the American revolutionaries to resolve the constitutional difficulties they faced when the United States became an independent country.

An Honourable U-Turn? Finland and New Europe after the End of the First World War

The article deals with the situation of a small, newly- and uncertainly independent country that had a peculiar experience in the year 1918. The country had declared its independence in December 1917, had received the recognition from Soviet Russia, the Nordic countries, Germany and its allies, and France in January 1918. Almost simultaneously, it drifted to a civil war, in which both the Germans and the Russians participated. However, the Civil War was mainly a domestic concern, and the outcome was the defeat of an attempt at a socialist revolution and the victory of an extremely pro-German government that even elected a German king in Finland in October 1918. The project was never fulfilled, but the experience left an exceptional, pro-German mental heritage, to which the terms of the armistice of November 1918 was a shock. They were seen as unjust, revengeful and even petty—both by the Finnish “Whites” (non-socialists) and the “Reds” (socialists). The Versailles Treaty in 1919 did not directly concern Finland. However, it might have done so in the question of Finnish borders, which was still partly unresolved—both in the west (a strife with Sweden over the Åland Islands) and in the east (ethnically Finnish Eastern Karelia). Moreover, the Allies were uncertain whether Finland should be considered Scandinavian or Baltic. Britain and the United States had not yet recognized Finland’s independence, so in order to secure independence and territorial integrity, the Finns had to adjust to the Allies’ demands and actively drive a Western-oriented policy. This was done for the same reason why the German orientation had been previously adapted—the threat of Russia and revolution—but it was psychologically strenuous for some political circles because they felt that there was an element of dishonorable opportunism to it. However, they could offer no alternative in a situation in which a newborn state had to secure its independence and legitimacy in New Europe, adjusting to disappointments and demands.