Hegemonic stability in the Indo-Pacific: US-India relations and induced balancing

The United States has improved relations with no other country during the Trump administration as much as it advanced its relationship with India. US-India relations have arguably marked their historical high points since Trump entered office and India seems to be overcoming its suspicion of closer cooperation with the US. Given these developments, this article aims to theorize the relationship through the hegemonic stability theory and explain US strategy toward India. We first demonstrate why India is accepting the hegemonic standing of the US in the Indo-Pacific and then – since balance of power politics are still a staple of policymakers’ approach to stability in the Indo-Pacific – we introduce the notion of induced balancing to show what approach the United States has adopted to empower India to expand its balancing capacity vis-à-vis China. The last section of the article empirically maps the various incentives that Washington offers to New Delhi in order to situate it in the desired position of a proxy China-balancer.

Hegemonic Decline, Globalisation and the United States' Strategic Pivot to Asia: Implications for Vietnam

<p>The international order has been much in change since the beginning of the 21st century with the domination of power of the United States and the rise of emerging nations pursuing the ambitions of gaining more prosperity or influence. However, the hegemonic power of the United States is on the way down and this gives space for many other actors to come onto the stage. These movements play the role as an impellent force for the United States to build up and implement the so-called Asia pivot, otherwise known as the rebalancing strategy in Asia Pacific. This paper will discuss the impetus of the pivot and what it has done for the United States. It will examine whether the hegemonic stability of the United States will lead to world order and stability and whether the strategy is welcomed by the majority of world players. The influence of the pivot on the security environment of the Asia Pacific region in general and in Vietnam in particular will also be considered in order to draw up a clear picture for Vietnam to plan foreign policy in the coming years.</p>

Hegemonic Decline, Globalisation and the United States' Strategic Pivot to Asia: Implications for Vietnam

<p>The international order has been much in change since the beginning of the 21st century with the domination of power of the United States and the rise of emerging nations pursuing the ambitions of gaining more prosperity or influence. However, the hegemonic power of the United States is on the way down and this gives space for many other actors to come onto the stage. These movements play the role as an impellent force for the United States to build up and implement the so-called Asia pivot, otherwise known as the rebalancing strategy in Asia Pacific. This paper will discuss the impetus of the pivot and what it has done for the United States. It will examine whether the hegemonic stability of the United States will lead to world order and stability and whether the strategy is welcomed by the majority of world players. The influence of the pivot on the security environment of the Asia Pacific region in general and in Vietnam in particular will also be considered in order to draw up a clear picture for Vietnam to plan foreign policy in the coming years.</p>

Reassessing the Power of a Sub-Regional Security Provider: The Case of Nigeria in the Gambian Crisis

Nigeria’s traditional role as a security provider in West Africa being a sub-regional hegemon and mainspring of the ECOWAS has enjoyed scholarly engagement since the end of the Cold War. Its advocacy for the ‘African solutions to African problems’ has been a critical component of its African diplomacy since independence in 1960. This advocacy finds its loudest expression in the leadership roles it played in peacekeeping efforts in the continent in tandem with what has been dubbed Pax-Nigeriana. However, Nigeria’s intervention in the Gambian political crisis has generated endless controversies in light of its regional hegemonic disposition. The study, against this background, investigates its intervention in this tiny West African country. It argues, within the context of hegemonic stability theory, that its intervention presents little evidence to suggest that Abuja’s ‘leadership role’ in the resolution of the crisis is indicative of hegemonic influence.

NATO in The Very Cold War: Why the US Needs Nato in the Arctic

Global warming and climate change resulting in the melting of sea ice within the Arctic have subsequently opened the possibility to explore and exploit the region. Previously seen as simply a region full of ice, the Arctic is believed to possess abundant natural resources, with an estimated 13% of undiscovered oil, 30% of natural gas resources in the world, as well as the opening of a new sea route which will be able to serve as a shortcut for countries to exchange goods - attracting states to pay closer attention to the region, be it militarily, politically, or economically, the United States being one of them. The increase in presence and power among Arctic and non-Arctic countries, especially Russia and China, has inarguably created a state of security dilemma among all parties involved, which is why if the US would like to seek a larger presence within the region, it becomes important for the country to involve NATO as one of its key partners, despite issues concerning the country and the organization. For the purpose of this paper, the aforementioned argument will further be supported using concepts of security dilemma, hegemonic stability theory, and the balance of threat.

A Theory of Hegemonic Stability in South American Regionalism? Evidence from the Case of Brazil in UNASUR and Venezuela in ALBA

Both Brazil and Venezuela structured their foreign policy agendas in the early 21st century on the projection of their respective leadership in regional schemes such as UNASUR and ALBA, respectively, following an intermediate hegemonic strategy. The loss of dynamism of these post-hegemonic initiatives problematizes the relationship between regional governance and the role of regional powers. ALBA is a scheme contingent on the political cycle and political voluntarism intrinsic in Venezuela’s leadership. The bloc has lost members and relevance in recent years. As for UNASUR, most of its member states have withdrawn from the bloc and it is currently not operating. In short, post-hegemonic proposals lose dynamism and support once the leadership that promoted them weakens. A certain ‘hegemonic stability theory’ contextualized to South America with regard to the leadership of Brazil and Venezuela in recent years seems to be fulfilled: the decline in power of these countries helps to account for political reversals and changes in regional governance.

Strategy of Good Software Governance

To chapter concerns emerging cybernetics, which is the school of “meaning to lead” and is particularly associated with the idea of dominations and controls. This chapter initially anatomizes the sociology of software cybernetics into two broad movements—free/libre and open source software (FLOSS) and proprietary close source software (PCSS)—to argue a good software governance approach. This chapter discusses (a) in what matters and (b) for what reasons software governance of Turkey has locked into the ecosystems of PCSS and, in particular, considers causes, effects, and potential outcomes of not utilizing FLOSS in the state of Turkey. The government has continuously stated that there are no compulsory national or international conventions(s) and settlement(s) with the ecosystems of PCSS and that there is no vendor lock-in concern. Nevertheless, the chapter principally argues that Turkey has taken a pragmatic decision-making process of software in the emerging cybernetics that leads and contributes to techno-social externality of PCSS hegemonic stability.

Is it win-win alignment of the Chinese Belt and Road initiative and the Nurly Zhol programme in Kazakhstan? A case study

China’s Belt and Road Initiative is far-reaching policy which aims to expand and strengthen China’s influence in the international sphere. It encompasses many countries around the globe and has the intention of achieving mutual economic growth. Through Belt and Road Initiative, China is establishing multiple strategic partnerships with both small and large countries through the development of infrastructure: the New Silk Road routes from Asia to Europe; the construction of oil and gas pipelines between Central Asia and China; and modernized seaports. This study will analyse the Chinese initiative as evidence for hegemonic stability theory in relation to long-term impact; and the convergence between the Belt and Road and Nurly Zhol programmes in relation to short-term impacts on the development of Kazakhstan. The methods used are theory building; and a comparative analysis of the two programmes in terms of establishing a strategic partnership between China and Kazakhstan. The China International Initiative is an entirely new global mechanism of international cooperation that aims to achieve mutually beneficial and successful development. The participating countries that are actively involved in it, and will receive significant benefits, and this is about 150 countries and more than 30 international organizations that have already signed documents on cooperation with China within the framework of this initiative. In conclusion, conclusions are given regarding the alignment of interests with the program Nurly-Zhol and from the Chinese initiative for the development of the Belt and Road.

Constructing an Inadequate Human Rights Regime: Indonesia and the Deliberate Weakening of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights Authority

The establishment of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights in 2019 provided hopes for the advancement of human rights in Southeast Asia. As a region that puts forward the notions of consensus and non-sovereignty, concluding regional human rights norms is seen as a first step in solidifying human rights protection in the region. Unfortunately, since its establishment, the commission has failed to fulfill the expectations to implement protection-based regional norms in Southeast Asia, measured by their failure to effectively respond to systemic human rights abuses in the region. This article employs the Neoliberal Institutionalist’s view of Hegemonic Stability Theory (specifically to Robert Keohane) in analyzing how regional hegemons such as Indonesia, have deliberately directed the establishment of a weak human rights regime, in the form of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, which is proven by; (1) The Commission’s deficiencies in human rights protection, and (2) Indonesia’s lack of political will in solidifying human rights regimes in Southeast Asia.

5. Neoliberalism

This chapter examines the neoliberalist argument that international institutions promote international cooperation. While neoliberalism acknowledges that cooperation can be difficult to achieve in anarchic conditions, it insists that institutions allow states to overcome a variety of collective action impediments. The central concern of neoliberal analysis is how institutions do so, and how they might be redesigned to more efficiently obtain cooperative outcomes. This chapter considers three questions that are relevant for understanding neoliberal contributions: How did neoliberalism emerge? What are the barriers to international cooperation? How does neoliberalism study international institutions? The chapter uses the World Trade Organization as a case study to illustrate the importance of institutional design for international free trade cooperation. Along the way, various concepts such as interdependence, hegemonic stability, hegemon, bargaining, defection, compliance, autonomy, and principal–agent theory are discussed, along with the game known as Prisoner’s Dilemma.