From the Struggle for Independence to the Religious Conflict

The chapter deals with the chaotic situation of 1990 when the struggle for independence was intermingled with the religious revival in the acute form of radical Islamism and the process was gradually shifting to the revival and activities of political organizations. At the same time, religion was intertwined with politics and criminal activity. In investigating the conflicts in which Islamic radicals were involved, it was very difficult to distinguish the ideology of religious fundamentalism from criminal activities related to drug and arms business, people trafficking, and kidnapping. Crime, in its turn, was directly in the political and power groups that were closely linked to radicals. Thus, the North Caucasus republic, called Chechnya by Russians, appeared directly in the center of Russia's recent history, threatening its state and social security.

THE ROLE OF STRUCTURAL ENGAGEMENT IN INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE: IN THE CASE OF THE INTER-RELIGIOUS CONFLICT IN GPDI SEMANU, GUNUNGKIDUL

The case of expulsion of a pastor at Semanu Gunungkidul GPdI church was resolved through mediation by the regional assistant. The conflict was triggered by the issue of Christianization by the pastor of GPdI Semanu. Today the conflict has ended, but it still leaves prejudice among religious leaders and structural officials in the area. The main data were interviews with those who directly involved in conflict and in efforts to resolve it. They were Muslim and Christian religious leaders, FKUB, sections of local government that were directly dealt with conflict, local communities, and community organizations accompanying the conflict resolution process. The Indonesian government was one of the important factors in the process of conflict and its resolution. The recent research on interfaith conflict and dialogue emphasized the role and influence of grassroots communities.

Pan Arabism 2.0? The Struggle for a New Paradigm in the Middle East

The Abraham Accords, signed in September 2020 have helped shed a light on a new discourse emerging from the Gulf that seeks to challenge some of the old dogmas that have dominated the region in the last few decades. A decade of turmoil that followed what was once dubbed as the “Arab Spring” finds a divided region, full of ethnic and religious conflict, ungoverned territories, and the growing reality of failed states. An “axis of resistance”, led by radical elements from both the Shi’a and the Sunni world, is perceived as a growing challenge to a group of actors led by a number of Gulf countries who identify radicalization as an existential threat. Facing the “axis of resistance”, a new “axis of renaissance” is coming of age with an alternative vision that seeks to change the face of the Middle East. In parallel to the rapid decline of the traditional Arab capitals, the Gulf is emerging as a more significant voice in the region due to its economic, political, and media influence. This article seeks to capture and explain the rise of this new Gulf-led axis and the early formulation of a new agenda of a more tolerant Middle East through a radical reshuffling of the order of priorities in the region.

“We Are from Biafra”. Igbo Students in the USSR during the Civil War in Nigeria, 1967-1970

Drawing on the Russian archival documents the article examines the Soviet policy towards Igbo students who studied in the USSR during the civil war in Nigeria (1967-1970). They sided the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, Eastern Nigeria, seceded from Nigeria in May 1967. The USSR supported the territorial integrity of Nigeria, provided military and other assistance for the Federal Government in its confrontation with Biafra. However, the Soviet authorities took neutrality in the conflict between Nigerian Embassy in Moscow and Igbo students. They did not expel students at the requests of the Embassy as accomplices of the separatists investigating each case carefully, did not hinder the activity of the Biafrian fellowship. Since the dissemination of Biafrian propagandists production was banned in the USSR, they tried to reach the Soviet audience through appeals from Igbo students who studied in the USSR. The appeals did not include the main issues of Biafrian propaganda to the West: accusations of the Federal Government of the Igbo genocide by Nazi methods and the portrayal of the civil war as a religious conflict - a jihad of the Muslim North against the Igbo as the largest and most organized Christian community in Nigeria. The dominant thesis was about the nature of the civil war as a struggle of the socialist East, Biafra, against the feudal-capitalist North, the central government. The students appealed the Soviet officials to recognize publicly the legitimacy of the Biafrians aspirations for self-determination, to stop supplying arms to the Federal Government and to mediate in a peaceful settlement. There were no responses to the appeals, and they were not made public. Based on archival documents, the author established that the Soviet leadership reasonably feared that Biafra would become the fiefdom of the main geopolitical rivals - the United States and Great Britain. To prevent this USSR entered into an alliance with the federals. The calculation was to enhance the Soviet influence throughout Nigeria, albeit with a reactionary government, rather than support the progressive breakaway Eastern Nigeria (Biafra) and receive nothing.

Religious Conflict in Iraq and the Operation of Shiite Militias in the Country after the Expulsion of ISIL

The paper deals with the religious aspect of the Iraqi conflict, exploring chiefly the dynamics of the conflict between the country’s Sunni and Shia communities. Should the conflict between the Sunni and Shia of Iraq be religiously motivated, we will find several characteristics, that would clearly demonstrate the religious or sectarian dimension of the conflict. The paper uses the methods of analysis, synthesis as well as the descriptive method. We have found that the conflict between the Shia and the Sunni has been purposefully escalated, firstly by Nouri al-Maliki (whose sectarian politics alienated the Sunni Arabs) and ISIS (which was even criticized by al-Qaeda for being too brutal against the Shia). Further we found that the Iraqi army under Shia command lacked motivation to defend Sunni areas from ISIS. Lastly, it was the PMF militias, forming after a fatwa by a Shia cleric, and bearing references to Shia symbolism in the names of their units. We conclude, that at the current phase, the conflict in Iraq has a strong sectarian dimension, while lacking a coherent Iraqi identity.

Who Owns the Central Mosque? Ethnic Identity and the Struggle for Spiritual Space in Epe, Southwest Nigeria

Religion and ethnicity are core attributes of identity in West Africa, and the majority of the population defines itself in relation to these values. But most studies of religious conflict in Nigeria focus on the conflicts between the two great world religions, Islam and Christianity. Equally, studies of ethnic conflict tend to focus on conflict between different language groups. This article shows that it is also important to focus on sub-ethnic difference, and the meso-level conflicts and tensions that often occur within each faith. In Epe, a coastal town in Lagos, southwest Nigeria over eighty percent of the population profess Islam, but remain distinguished as different social and ethnic sub-groups, as “Ijebu Epe” and “Eko Epe.” Over time, both groups invested in ethno-religious contestation, which led to open conflict when they were brought together in the same local Council and differed over the ownership of the only Central Mosque in the town. The study shows that the struggle for the soul of the first Epe Central Mosque at Oke Balogun between Ijebu Epe and Eko Epe was used in pursuit of both spiritual and political power, and in order to gain control over important resources. This study therefore provides empirical evidence that ethnic and group differences do affect some aspects of religious practices and can even lead to rivalry within the same religion.

Changing Times

Returning to England, Herbert found James I’s court and government in disarray but was forced to witness events from the side-lines due to illness. Chapter 6 explores his re-engagement with his family, estates, and court politics and his interest in the religious conflict of the period. It looks at his response to the trial of the earl and countess of Somerset for Sir Thomas Overbury’s murder, the removal of the Howard family from royal office, and the rising influence of the earl of Pembroke and his protégé, Sir George Villiers. It examines Herbert’s intellectual engagement with the soteriological conflict between Gomarists and Arminians in the United Provinces over the doctrine of predestination and his growing interest in Arminian and Socinian religious teaching. The development of his religious thinking is captured in letters written to Sir Robert Harley during 1617 to 1619, critiquing hard-line Calvinist teaching on salvation, and clearly influenced the writing of De Veritate which he drafted during the same period. The chapter ends with his return to court circles and successful application (with the support of Villiers, created earl and later duke of Buckingham by the besotted king) to advance his career as ambassador to the court of Louis XIII following the outbreak of rebellion in Bohemia.

Ethno-Religious Conflict, Human Security and Peacebuilding in Contemporary Lagos

Lagos, the most populous city in Nigeria and economic hub of the country, is a mirror of complex ethnic and religious configuration of the Nigerian federation. This diverse ethnic and religious character, among other factors, makes Lagos a hotbed of violent ethnic conflicts. This condition is exacerbated by mutual fear and anxiety among various ethnic groups, particularly Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo, about domination, coupled with the pervasive feeling by some groups that other groups are the cause of their socio-economic and political misfortunes. In this setting, hopes and aspirations that antagonism and possible triumph may guarantee socio-economic benefits have often turned minor disagreements into violent conflicts, in which ordinary people are foot soldiers and greatest victims. The core problematic of this research is to investigate the fundamental causative factors and implications of ethno-religious conflict in modern Lagos, Southwest Nigeria. Thus, this paper is a historical inquiry into the basis and impact of Yoruba-Hausa inter-ethnic violence on human security in contemporary Lagos society. The study also explores the opportunities for the attainment of sustainable peace and security within Nigeria. This study posits that the ethno-religious emotion and conviction that continuous antagonism and ultimate triumph against a particular ethnic group(s) assures socio-economic progress is false. The paper concludes that the best recipe for sustainable human well-being, peace and security for Nigerians is to collectively launch a sustained legitimate advocacy against corruption and abuse of public office rather than wasting precious human and material resources on divisive and counter-productive violent ethno-religious conflicts. The study adopts the historical method of data collection and analysis.

A Boy's Spiritual Journey: The Cultural and Religious Conflict between Family Relationships and the Conventionalism of Tibetan Buddhism in Sarah Ruhl's The Oldest Boy (2014)

This research paper is mainly concerns with the analyzing of Sarah Ruhl's play The Oldest Boy (2014), critically via considering the clashes of culture, and religion with family ideologies. By Adherents T.S. Eliot’s approach in his Notes towards the Definition of Culture, the paper is devoted to looking at and embodying the cultural and religious rift occurring in Ruhl’s The Oldest Boy. And to stand on the fact of the impact of the cultural and religious conflict on the family relations by passing throughout the main event of the play as to attract a Christian-born child who is only three years’ old to convert to Buddhism, and to be a Tibetan Buddhism Lama. The case is hectic for an American mother with no information on, or faith in, Buddhism. The paper proceeds with the hypothesis that the genuine clash is inner and it lies in the Mother's battle to give up her child or not in the middle of the spontaneous flood of cultural, religious and emotional clashes. The paper concludes that religion is what shapes the culture of countries.

The involvement of Western Balkan terrorist-fighters in armed conflicts in Syria and Iraq

The primary purpose of this article is to explain the meaning and consequences of foreign fighters’ participation from Western Balkan countries (WB6) in armed conflicts in Syria and Iraq. In the first part, the issue of foreign fighters is discussed in historical terms. The author focuses on the examples of the Soviet inva-sion of Afghanistan and the ethno-religious conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the second part of the text, the definition framework of foreign fighters’ concept and its evolution towards foreign terrorist-fighters is dis-cussed. Then, a detailed analysis of the main problem is conducted, and several research questions are an-swered: 1) What is the scale of the phenomenon of Balkan volunteers (e.g., their number, the structure of origin, and others) in comparison to fighters from other regions? 2) What are their motivations and goals, and what are their recruitment process and ways of moving into the war zone? 3) What is the threat posed by returning fight-ers to the security of the Western Balkans, and how do individual states counteract this phenomenon? The au-thor uses mainly the following research methods: critical content analysis (literature, scientific articles, docu-ments, reports, press materials), and historical and comparative analysis. The author’s visits to this country in 2018-2020 constituted an essential contribution to the part concerning the case of Kosovo.