scholarly journals The Paradigm Shift of Political Science from Being “Change-oriented” to “Governance-oriented:” A Perspective on History of Political Science

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guangbin Yang
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
World Order ◽  
Research Paradigm ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
History Of ◽  
State Governance ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Reform And Opening Up ◽  
Established Order

AbstractThe history of political philosophy serves as a valuable resource for the current research paradigms in political science. In comparative terms, the paradigm of Western research is essentially “change-oriented” and tends to shift constantly with its evolving thoughts. Due to the influence of bourgeois revolutions around the world, contemporary politics has transpired as the synopsis of governance of the established order. As the “governing strategies” of the established order encounter multiple social crises, the Marxist political science or Marxism has emerged as the naturally preferred alternative research paradigm. During the Cold War period, such governing strategies were adopted as universal values in Western political science, effectuating the prediction of “the end of the history.” After the launch of the reform and opening-up campaign, “change-oriented” liberal democracy became an instrumental paradigm for Chinese political science. However, as the contemporary world order disfavored this paradigm, Chinese scholars shifted their research focus to developing an independent discourse power in democracy and governance, as well as prioritizing state governance as their primary research paradigm and methodology. Thus, political science is expected to resume its common sense nearly after a century of political chaos.

scholarly journals Džon i Žaklina Kenedi: politika, kultura i „nova granica“ odevanja

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 857
Author(s):  
Simona Čupić
Keyword(s):  
Political Affiliation ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Specific Kind ◽  
The Public ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
Art And Culture ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War

Jacqueline Kennedy’s style is one of the mainstays of the history of fashion and popular culture, as well as contemporary politics. John Kennedy’s way of dressing garnered much less attention. Even though, at first glance, not as interesting as the first lady’s “fashion sense”, the president’s style was no less thought-out. If, however, we view the changes in clothing as social changes and a determinant of various kinds of social differentiation: marital status, sex, occupation, religious and political affiliation, the way in which the Kennedys were presented to the public becomes more interesting – from the (carefully planned) photos and appearances to art and culture. Having in mind that the 1960s were a time when the appropriation of popular and fictional came back into modern art, and that general changes inherent in the new lifestyle, as well as a layered image of American internal politics, and the cold war map of the world, the carefully thought-out image of the presidential couple can be viewed as a specific kind of metaphor for a complicated time.

A Discussion of Robert Vitalis’s White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 1126-1126
Author(s):  
L.H.M. Ling
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Black Power ◽  
World Order ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Construction Of Knowledge ◽  
Disciplinary History ◽  
Alain Locke ◽  
History Of

In White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations, Robert Vitalis presents a critical disciplinary history of the field of international relations, and the discipline of political science more broadly. Vitalis argues that the interconnections between imperialism and racism were “constitutive” of international relations scholarship in the U.S. since the turn of the 20th century, and that the perspectives of a generation of African-American scholars that included W. E. B. Dubois, Alain Locke, and Ralph Bunche were equally constitutive of this scholarship—by virtue of the way the emerging discipline sought to marginalize these scholars. In developing this argument, Vitalis raises questions about the construction of knowledge and the racial foundations of American political development. These issues lie at the heart of U.S. political science, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and its implications for our discipline.

A Clash of Normativities: International Society and International Community

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Buchan
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Society ◽  
World Order ◽  
International Community ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Normative Standard ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractThis paper will suggest that since the end of the Cold War liberal states have instituted a new regime of international relations and of international peace and security in particular. Historically, legitimate statehood could be situated virtually exclusively within international society; in their international relations all states subscribed to a common normative standard which regarded all states qua states as legitimate sovereign equals irrespective of the political constitution that they endorsed. With the end of the Cold War, however, an international community of liberal states has formed within international society which considers only those states that respect the liberal values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law as legitimate. Non-liberal states are not only denigrated as illegitimate but more significantly they are stripped of their previously held sovereign status where international community, motivated by the theory that international peace and security can only be achieved in a world composed of exclusively liberal states, campaigns for their liberal transformation. Finally, it will be suggested that despite the disagreement between liberal states over the decision to invade Iraq in 2003 international community survives, and thus its (antagonistic) relationship with non-liberal states continues to provide a useful method for theorising international peace and security in the contemporary world order.

scholarly journals Research Agenda for Political Science in China in an Era of Great Change

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guangbin Yang
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
World Order ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Traditional Role ◽  
State Governance ◽  
Governance Models

AbstractThe world order is undergoing tumultuous changes amid the Sino–US trade war and a global pandemic. During these epochal times for political science, The American school of social sciences needs an intellectual revolution and a repositioning of the research agenda for political science. Comparative political studies must shift their focus from their traditional role of comparison of political institutions to that of state governance models, as the former can no longer advance new knowledge in political science while the latter represents a greater challenge for such studies. Likewise, studies of international relations in the traditional sense should take a step further and explore studies of world politics, i.e., studies of international relations and world order as shaped by institutional changes triggered by political trends within certain countries. The research approach of historical political science is indispensable, whether it is comparison of state governance models or of world politics.

Swedish Foreign Policy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulf Bjereld ◽  
Ulrika Möller
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
International Law ◽  
World Order ◽  
Modern History ◽  
External Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
International Activism ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines the modern history of Sweden’s foreign policy and external relations through the lens of neutrality. Sweden’s commitment to neutrality has not meant that the country is passive in international arenas. To the contrary, neutrality has for decades dovetailed with “international activism” and the articulation of international law and collective action. The chapter describes the emergence of the Swedish policy of neutrality during the Cold War and the post-neutrality policy that has evolved since the collapse of the bipolar world order. It details the primary components of and main reasons for the somewhat overlapping yet otherwise different versions of Swedish foreign policy between the two periods.

scholarly journals Ideological Clichés and Myths as an Instrument of the U.S. Foreign Policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-19
Author(s):  
V I Yakunin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

The article deals with the analysis of the myths and ideological clichés as the fundamental elements of U.S. foreign policy. The author emphasizes the necessity to study the discourses formed by political elites around the main problems and directions of the state’s foreign policy. At the same time, in the article an attempt is made to integrate the achievements of Western and Russian political science related to ideological clichés and myths. Particular attention is paid to the role of myths and ideological clichés in the legitimization of the government’s foreign policy actions in the eyes of the electorate. The author shows the history of the formation of the basic myths and clichés of the U.S. foreign policy, their implementation during and after the Cold War. The article contains a detailed analysis of the concept of American exclusivity as well as the foreign policy guidelines that follow from it. In conclusion, the author shows how the world has adopted to such an approach for conducting foreign policy by the hegemonic state and what methods it uses to counteract it.

On the Ends of the Network as a Zone of Friction (And Extraction)

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-27
Author(s):  
Sudipto Basu
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
World Order ◽  
Not Given ◽  
Human Form ◽  
Surplus Value ◽  
The World ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
General Intellect

In a world-order where planetary computational networks have restructured nearly all spheres of existence, what is not already networked lies in wait merely as standing-reserve. Today, it seems as if the network and the world are naturally interoperable. Thinking through Harun Farocki’s work on operational images, I however locate a zone of friction or incommensurability between the network and the world. Revisiting Norbert Wiener’s anti-aircraft predictor – a founding episode in the history of cybernetics – I show how this gap was bridged by a logic of (en)closures that reduced the living human form and the world to narrow operational ends; banishing the openness and indeterminacy of both life and nature into undesirable contingency. However, cybernetics’ relentless expansion into a universal episteme and planetary infrastructure since the Cold war necessarily floods the network with contingency; which it wards off by feeding on a disavowed living labor. I argue that this living labor is an uneasy reconciliation of mechanism and vitalism, which we may call habits. Drawing on the Marxian notion of general intellect, I posit how habits are key to generating network surplus value, and to cybernetic expansionism. Habits shape, prepare the outside for its subsumption into the network. Yet they are not given the status of productive activity, and consequently disavowed and vaporized by networks. I propose that this living labor be given a specific name – interfacing – and, following Georges Bataille’s critique of political economy, speculate on the reasons for its disavowal. Drawing on Bataille’s idea of the general in ‘general economy’ (that which is opposed to utilitarian or operational ends) and Hito Steyerl’s How Not to Be Seen, I try to imagine what an interface contiguous with the general intellect might be.

scholarly journals The Relevance of Bandung Spirit in the Contemporary Global Trade Order

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Rio Nurhasdy ◽  
Rizki Rahmadini Nurika ◽  
Septian Nur Yekti
Keyword(s):  
Trade Liberalization ◽  
World Order ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Global Trade ◽  
New Order ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Social Law ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Systems Of Domination

AbstrakKonferensi Bandung sudahdiadakan 60 tahun yang lalu. Kolonisasi telah resmi menghilang, Perang Dingin telah berakhir, dan Gerakan Non-Blok telah hampir kehilangan raison d'etre. Namun, sistem serupa dominasi kekuatan dalam tatanan dunia masih bertahan, perang terus mengancam kemanusiaan, dan kelaparan massal, penyakit, dan kemiskinan masih menjadi ciri sebagian besar negara di dunia. Ketidakadilan telah muncul dalam bentuk yang lebih canggih dengan dimensi yang lebih besar seperti sosial, hukum, dan ekonomi. Sebuah sistem dominasi dalam tatanan dunia dan ketidakadilan saat ini dapat ditemukan dalam konteks perdagangan global. Rezim dipelopori oleh Organisasi Perdagangan Dunia (WTO) sebagai tatanan baru telah meliberalisasi belahan dunia dengan menawarkan beberapa fungsi dan tujuan bermanfaat bagi negara, baik Utara dan Selatan. Bahkan, perintah ini tidak selalu membawa manfaat bagi mereka, terutama untuk negara-negara kurang berkembang yang sebagian besar berasal dari Selatan. Mereka dieksploitasi dan hanya mendapatkan sedikit manfaat dari liberalisasi perdagangan sementara negara-negara maju menuai banyak manfaat. Sebagai respon terhadap dunia kontemporer, makalah ini mencoba untuk menganalisis rasa perlunya Bandung Spiritsebagai wujud kehadiran postkolonial asli dan masa depan untuk Selatan. Pertanyaan mendasarnya adalah mengapa sistem dominasi masih ada hingga sekarang, di mana kekuasaan hegemonik dalam sistem perdagangan ditempati oleh Utara. Makalah ini juga mempertanyakan bagaimana Bandung Spriti perlu ditafsirkan karena tidak semua norma dan nilai-nilai yang ada di dalam Bandung Spirit bisa memungkinkan Selatan untuk memecahkan masalah global, terutama untuk isu-isu perdaganganKata Kunci: bandung spirit, liberalisasi perdagangan, selatan, WTO AbstractIt has been 60 years after the Bandung Conference. Colonization has officially disappeared, the Cold War has ended, and the Non-Aligned Movement has almost lost its raison d’être. However, similar systems of domination by the powerful in the world order still persist, wars continue to threaten humanity, and mass hunger, diseases, and poverty still characterize many parts of the world. Injustice has appeared in more sophisticated forms and larger dimensions such social, law, and economy. A system of domination in the world order and injustice today can be found in the global trade context. The regime pioneered by the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a new order has liberalized parts of the world by offering some beneficial functions and objectives for countries, both North and South. In fact, this order doesn’t always bring benefits for them, especially for less developed countries which mostly come from South. They were exploited and only get little benefits from trade liberalization while developed countries reap many benefits. As a response to the contemporary world, this paper attempts to analyze the sense of the necessity of Bandung Spirit for a genuine postcolonial present and future for South. This paper questions why system of domination still exists today, where hegemonic power in trading system is occupied by North. This paper also questions how the Bandung Spirit needs to be interpreted today because not all normsand values lies within the Bandung Spirit could enable South to solve global problem, especially for trade issues.Keywords: bandung spirit, trade liberalization, south, WTO

For a “Foreign” Audience: The Challenges of Teaching Arabic Literature in the American Academy

2001 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magda M. Al-Nowaihi
Keyword(s):  
American Academy ◽  
World Order ◽  
Arabic Literature ◽  
Area Studies ◽  
Near Eastern ◽  
European Languages ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mary Louise Pratt ◽  
The Cold War

Recently Mary Louise Pratt suggested that we expunge the term ‘foreign’ as it applies to non-European languages and literature, and that we replace it with the term ‘modern,’ thereby “put[ting] an end to another lexical legacy of the Cold War.” I want to argue that, at least for the time being, replacing the term ‘foreign’ would be a dangerous masking, a denial of the realities of the encounters that, from my vantage point as an Arab and a professor of Arabic literature in the American academy, are still characterized by power inequalities, ignorance, and outright racism and hostility, encounters with ‘foreignness’ that must, at the very least, be apprehended as such.Arabic literature is primarily taught in this country in departments of Middle or Near Eastern Studies. Almost everyone in the humanities today is aware of how institutional structures of limited funding and resources, the distinctions between tenured, non-tenured, and adjunct faculty, the politics of publication and advancement, and so on affect the production of the knowledge that our students and readers are exposed to. In the case of Area Studies departments the problems are more acute. It is not simply that the resources are less, the support from the administration weaker, and the prestige at the bottom of the academic food chain, all of which are true. It is also that, when it comes to Area Studies, it becomes almost impossible for the American academy to be an arena of opposition and contestation. Edward Said traced the history of Area Studies departments in Orientalism over twenty years ago, and exposed the ways in which the knowledge they produce has served the interests of some at the expense of others, and has functioned to consolidate a world order, ‘new’ or ‘old’ does not seem to make much difference, of a privileged few, and a disenfranchised majority.

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