Nazi Germany and the Karaites in 1938–1944: between racial theory andRealpolitik

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kiril Feferman

This article explores the policies of Nazi Germany towards the Karaites, a group of Jewish ancestry which emerged during the seventh to the ninth centuries CE, when its followers rejected the mainstream Jewish interpretation of Tanakh. Karaite communities flourished in Persia, Turkey, Egypt, Crimea, and Lithuania. From 1938 to 1944, the Nazi bureaucracy and scholarship examined the question of whether the Karaites were of Jewish origin, practiced Judaism and had to be treated as Jews. Because of its proximity to Judenpolitik and later to the Muslim factor, the subject got drawn into the world of Nazi grand policy and became the instrument of internecine power struggles between various agencies in Berlin. The Muslim factor in this context is construed as German cultivation of a special relationship with the Muslim world with an eye to political dividends in the Middle East and elsewhere. Nazi views of the Karaites’ racial origin and religion played a major role in their policy towards the group. However, as the tides of the war turned against the Germans, various Nazi agencies demonstrated growing flexibility either to re-tailor the Karaites’ racial credentials or to entirely gloss over them in the name of “national interests,” i.e. a euphemism used to disguise Nazi Germany's overtures to the Muslim world.

Author(s):  
Liane Wobbe

In Hinduism, animals are generally given great importance, which extends to religious worship; humans and animals have a special relationship to one another according to Hindu ideas, which is the subject of this treatise. To explain these in more detail, the author first offers an exemplary look into the understanding of the essence of humans and animals by explaining some important theological-philosophical foundations and terms of the Hindu religion and describing how the eternal divine, called brahman, relates to the world of matter, to humans and to animals. According to the idea, the divine self is the epitome of all living beings, so that the animals also have a soul which, out of respect for the divine, is to be treated with respect and dignity like humans. With this, Hinduism formulates a special animal ethic which, as the second chapter illustrates, considers humans and animals together, since both are, as it were, integrated into the rebirth cycle and subject to the principle of karma. Another aspect of the relationship between humans and animals is shown in the religious cult of the Hindus, which is the subject of the third and final chapter. Here the author goes into the numerous mythological and iconographic depictions of animals that are worshiped as symbols of the divine and that can ultimately also be understood as signs of the substantial bond between humans and animals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (12) ◽  
pp. 133-146
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of the national interests of the USA, China and the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the Middle East component of the policies of these states on the implementation of their current economic and military policies and on ensuring their national security. An approach to comparing the influence of the Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA, which allows identifying the priorities of Russia's policy in the Middle East and other regions of the world, is proposed. Comparison of the Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the Middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia acquires significance in the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the countries of the Middle East region.


2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (5) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Samir Amin

The political chaos that has recently dominated the scene in the Middle East is expressed, among other ways, by the violent resurgence of the Kurdish question. How can we analyze, in these new conditions, the scope of the claims of the Kurds—autonomy, independence, unity? And can we deduce from analysis that this claim must be supported by all democratic and progressive forces, in the region and in the world?… Debates on the subject produce great confusion. This is because most contemporary actors and observers rally around a non-historical vision of this and related issues.… I will offer a counterpoint to this transhistorical vision of social issues and "rights," through which the social movements of the past and present express their demands. In particular, I will attribute paramount importance to the divide that separates the thriving of the modern capitalist world from past worlds.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.


2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 121-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Napier

The emergence of Islamic banks and other financial institutions since the 1970s has stimulated a modern literature that has identified itself as addressing “Islamic accounting”. Much of this literature is prescriptive, though studies of actual practice, and of attitudes to proposed alternatives, are beginning to emerge. Historical research into Islamic accounting is still in a process of development, with a range of studies based on both primary archives and manuals of accounting providing growing insight into accounting in state and private contexts in the Middle East. Other parts of the Muslim world are also the focus of historical accounting research. There is still much to discover, however, before historians can determine the influence of Middle Eastern accounting ideas and practices in other parts of the world. Moreover, the term “Islamic accounting” may simply be a convenient label to group together quite disparate accounting practices and ideas across time and space.


2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Graham E. Fuller

The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics? GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-269
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Herf

In his global bestseller, Inside the Third Reich, Adolf Hitler's former architect and armaments minister, Albert Speer, cited the German dictator's view that if the Arabs had won the Battle of Tours in the eighth century, “the world would be Mohammedan today.” That was the case, he continued, because “theirs was a religion that believed in spreading the faith by the sword and subjugating all nations to their faith. The Germanic people would have become heirs to that religion. Such a creed was perfectly suited to the Germanic temperament.” Yet, because of what Hitler called Arabs' “racial inferiority” and inability to handle the harsher climate, “they could not have kept down the more vigorous natives, so that ultimately not Arabs but Islamized Germans could have stood at the head of this Mohammedan Empire.” Hitler concluded, “It's been our misfortune to have the wrong religion. Why didn't we have the religion of the Japanese, who regard sacrifice for the Fatherland as the highest good? The Mohammedan religion too would have been much more compatible to us than Christianity. Why did it have to be Christianity with its meekness and flabbiness?”


1969 ◽  
Vol 9 (97) ◽  
pp. 173-184

Each month the International Review gives an account of its current activities. We now think it will be of interest to give a more general description of some of the important actions in which the ICRC is at present engaged in various parts of the world, what these are and also how they are developing. Relief for the victims of the conflict in Nigeria has, in view of the considerable efforts demanded of the ICRC, often been the subject of largely recapitulatory articles. We therefore now reproduce information and figures showing the situation at the end of March 1969.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan J. Brown

The Islamic shariʿa is central to Islam in the minds of most Muslims and non-Muslim scholars. In many ways, the centrality of the Islamic shariʿa has increased in recent decades. Yet despite—or perhaps because of—this centrality, the precise, even the general, role of the shariʿa in Islamic societies is the subject of contentious debate among Muslims. Outside of and underlying such debates are more subtle and rarely articulated differences about the meaning of the Islamic shariʿa. In this essay, I will put forward a general intellectual map for those varying meanings. More critically, I will suggest that important shifts in the meaning of the Islamic shariʿa have taken place in the Muslim world, and that these shifts are closely connected to the nature and viability of legal and educational institutions associated with the Islamic shariʿa in the past. As the Islamic shariʿa has become disconnected from these institutions, its meaning has changed in some fundamental ways. Most important, the shariʿa is approached less for its process than for its content. And because the shift in institutions and understanding has received much less attention from Muslims, widespread attempts to re-create older relationships (particularly involving the relationship between the Islamic shariʿa and the state) in fact involve a deepening rather than a counteracting of the transformation in the Islamic shariʿa.


Author(s):  
Vipin Narang

This chapter considers how one might treat Israel's nuclear posture, given that it is a posture comprising capabilities that have never been confirmed. Israel is the world's oldest closet nuclear state. For more than forty years it has neither confirmed nor denied its possession of nuclear weapons, and has vowed not to be the first to “introduce” nuclear weapons into the Middle East. But it has circulated enough credible rumors and hints that it does possess a nuclear weapons capability to lead most of the world to believe that Israel was the world's sixth nuclear power. Based on incredible access to Israeli officials and declassified U.S. documents, this chapter reveals the most authoritative history of Israel's nuclear program. Drawing on previous works on the subject, this chapter fits Israel's nuclear posture into the broader comparative typology.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Babayo Sule

The current state of affairs in the Muslim Ummah called for concern by every conscious Muslim contemporarily. The Islamic civilisation which introduced the whole world into the world of research and development, political organisation, economic prosperity and equality as well as cultural enrichment is now languishing in backwardness and crises. This study analysed the current condition of the Muslim Ummah in the present world based on the predicaments that are bedeviling the Islamic world. The problem is the nature and situation in which all the values and promises of Islamic civilisation are not utilised by the Muslims which threw them into their current comatose condition. The research used secondary sources of data such as the Quran, Hadith, books, journals and reports and statistics from organisations and agencies. The data collected were analysed critically using statistical and descriptive-analytical method to discuss some important themes of the subject matter. The work discovered that the current state of affairs of the Muslim Ummah is undesirable. It is dominated and encircled by internal crises, leadership failure, disunity, economic, political, social, cultural, military and technological backwardness in comparison with their Western counterparts. This has not been natural. The Decline of leadership in the Muslim world, Crusades and colonialism contributed to the predicaments of the Muslim world. The work suggested that the previous generation of Muslims faced trials and tribulations but they persevered and faced the challenges until God have mercy on them and rescue their situation. The same should be adopted by the present Ummah in dealing with its problems


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document