scholarly journals Strategy That May Be Tried in Military Regime—Leprosy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pugazhenthan Thangaraju ◽  
and Sajitha Venkatesan
Keyword(s):  
Asian Survey ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald M. Seekins

The appearance of an unwanted visitor in Aung San Suu Kyi's lakeside compound in Yangon gave the SPDC military regime a pretext to extend her house arrest, while the refusal of major armed groups in the border areas to accept subordination under the Tatmadaw (armed forces) central command posed serious problems for Myanmar's future stability.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Langmore ◽  
Ashley McLachlan-Bent

AbstractIn May 2008 Cyclone Nargis created significant international debate when the ruling military regime in Myanmar refused to allow international relief supplies and specialists into the country. The discussion that followed included invoking the principle of Responsibility to Protect as a way of forcing the regime to accept international assistance. This proposal caused sharp division amongst governments, relief agencies, journalists and citizens. The regime's shocking refusal to accept assistance constituted a crime against humanity and, as such, deserved consideration as an R2P situation. The damage which military action involves was severely underestimated by those proposing it and although the situation following Nargis clearly met the threshold criteria, permitting coercive intervention, the precautionary principles were not satisfied, thus making coercive intervention under R2P impermissible. The involvement of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) following Nargis facilitated entry of disaster assessment teams and some aid into Myanmar. In light of Myanmar's fear of intervention in its affairs, the international community should have used R2P to frame a response and worked with ASEAN from the outset to pressure the regime to respond to the disaster more effectively.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 246-253
Author(s):  
Juanita Kakoty

This piece is based on a conversation the author had with lawyer and human rights activist from Pakistan, Hina Jilani, in May 2016. It captures Jilani’s account of the ‘Satyagraha’ she has waged in her lifetime for the rights of women in her country; and as she narrates her story, she interweaves it with the ‘Satyagraha’ that shaped the women’s movement in Pakistan. One can read here about Jilani’s struggle for truth, for a human rights consciousness in a political climate of military regime; and how she challenged courts in the country to step outside the realm of conventional law and extend justice to women and girls. And in the process, learn that her struggle for truth has been intertwined with that of the women’s movement in the country.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-49
Author(s):  
Peyi Soyinka-Airewele

Akin to myth, only tangentially related to the empirical truth, collective memory plays a key role in the symbolic discourse of politics, in the legitimation of political structures and action and in the justification of collective behavior.This article is a tentative incursion into the making and workings of collective memory in the recent Nigerian elections. The crisis of memory—construction, distortion, exploitation, and suppression—is evident in the Nigerian “transmutation” process—the perpetuation in power, through civilianization, of a military regime. The term “transmutation” is used here to convey the sense of a political mutation, a process of uncertain nature or progeny, certainly a transition, but one emanating from an unlikely parentage, a brutal and militarized past.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luane Flores Chuquel

This current work studies the human rights violations suffered by indigenous peoples during the period of the Brazilian CivilMilitary Dictatorship. Likewise, it makes some notes about the beginning of the violations in a moment before this dark period. On this path, even before the Military Coup was launched in the year 1964 (one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four), the Indians were already experiencing constant usurpations of their rights at the expense of irresponsibilities commanded most of the time, by those who should watch over their rights lives. As will be seen, the violation and disrespect for Human Rights in the face of these peoples ended up becoming common and gaining strength mainly in the beginning of the implementation of the military regime. Negligent attempts at acculturation and "emancipation", in addition to inconsequential contacts with isolated peoples, culminated in the destruction and predatory logging of their lands. Missing processes of terribly violating demarcations of indigenous areas promoted the expulsion of countless peoples, causing the Indians to fall into a life totally surrounded by hunger, begging, alcoholism and prostitution. All in the name of the so-called “economic advance”, which aimed at building roads, in what was called “occupation of the Amazon”? As frequently stated by the authorities at the time, the Amazon rainforest was seen and understood as a “population void” by the Military Government. According to this thought idealized by the disgusting dictators and supporters, it will be observed that the cases of violations of Human Rights have been systematically “legalized”. The life, land and culture of indigenous peoples were left in the background. Depending on this brief narrative developed through documentary research, based on a hypothetical-deductive method, the intention is to rescue the martyrdoms of that time, demonstrating what actually happened to indigenous peoples during the Military Regime, in the simplest attempt to remember or even disclose to those who are unaware of this part of history. All that said, don't you forget. So that it never happens again.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136248062110259
Author(s):  
Irit Ballas

In national emergencies, states may establish special criminal regimes that criminalize behaviours legal under ordinary law, use more oppressive measures of enforcement and reduce procedural rights. Scholars associate such regimes with the exclusion of offenders from the political community. However, in some emergency criminal regimes, often dealing with economic crises and recently with pandemics, the reduction of rights can also imply inclusion. By examining two emergency regimes in Israel in 1948, a military regime imposing movement restrictions on the Palestinian minority, and an austerity regime imposing restrictions on trade in food products on all citizens, the article argues that different emergency criminal regimes can affect two different tenets of ordinary criminal law: the reinforcing of the boundaries of the community, and the set of obligations between members of that community. Hence, such regimes can foster multiple configurations of citizenship. When simultaneously enforced on marginalized groups, they render their citizenship equivocal.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sonale Diane Pastro de Oliveira ◽  
Maria Gabriela Silva Martins da Cunha Marinho

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> Superado o regime militar, o Brasil tornou-se signatário de acordos internacionais de defesa e promoção dos direitos humanos. Apesar disso, até recentemente, o país negligenciou princípios e fundamentos da justiça de transição previstos pelo Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos, entre eles, o direito à verdade, fato que o coloca à margem daquele Sistema. O artigo pontua aspectos políticos da transição-redemocratização política que podem explicar o adiamento da instalação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade no país, criada somente em 2011, e acentua também o caráter contraditório do processo. Especificamente, a análise assinala o fato de que ao transitar da memória para a história, como pretensamente fazem as comissões da verdade, os indivíduos que se aventuram no registro histórico estarão manejando e interferindo na memória coletiva, na percepção e na identidade da qual fazem parte, o que transforma memória em poder.   <br /><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Palavras-chaves:</strong> Comissão da Verdade; Memória; Relações de Poder; Direitos Humanos; Democracia.  </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Overcoming the military regime, Brazil has become signatory of the international defense agreements and promotion of human rights. Yet, until recently, the country has neglected to foundations of transitional justice provided for the Inter-American System of Human Rights, between them, the right of truth, fact that stands aside that system. The article points out political aspects of transitional policy re-democratization which may explain the setting up progress of the National Truth Committee in the country, created only in 2011, and also emphasizes the contradictory procedure. Specifically, the analysis indicates the fact that going through memory to history, the way supposedly the Truth Committees do, the individuals who venture into a historical record will be managing and interfering in the collective memory, perception and identity from which they take part and change memory into power.  <br /><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> The Truth Committee, Memory and Power Relations, Human Rights, Democracy.<strong> </strong></p>


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