Roman City-Laws of Spain and their Modelling of the Religious Landscape

2020 ◽  
pp. 332-345
Author(s):  
Meret Strothmann
Keyword(s):  
Religious Identity ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
City Council ◽  
Customary Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City ◽  
Religious Landscape

The Roman municipal laws from Spain tell us much more about the political constitution of Roman cities than any other document from the Western provinces. However, the fragments at our disposal do not provide information about the social and religious identity of the citizens and incolae. A short survey of Latin inscriptions in Spain shows that in Baetica, where the municipal laws were found, there is very little evidence for indigenous cults, in contrast to other Spanish provinces, numerous deities and cults are attested. It is suggested that municipal laws do not add much to our knowledge of religious life in the cities precisely because they were conceptualized as blueprints for different cities with different conditions. The lack of precise instructions regarding religious institutions is to be seen as part of a broader concept. Thus, in a paragraph of the late-republican constitution for the colony of Urso, the city council has the right to complete the calendar, i.e. to define the official cults. In the Flavian constitution of Irni, such a paragraph is missing, but instead another indication of local authority in respect to possible acculturation can be found: the founder is allowed to legislate, but only within the limits of Roman customary law. Roman cities in Spain were able to autonomously model the religious landscape in response to local needs, a capacity clearly expressed in legal terms.

scholarly journals A comunicação pública digital da Câmara Municipal de Itapevi no Facebook e as possibilidades de letramento político / The digital public communication of the Municipality of Itapevi on Facebook and the possibilities of political literacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (22) ◽  
pp. 219-240
Author(s):  
Luiz-Alberto de Farias ◽  
Marcelo-Simões Damasceno
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Network ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
City Council ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Public Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Literacy ◽  
The City

The following study seeks to understand how the Facebook page of the City Council of Itapevi, Brazil, made political literacy possible through political education, discussions on the political agenda, and mobilization in its communication on the social network. The corpus of the analysis brings together 683 publications made in 2019, a period in which the page showed an increase in audience compared to the previous year (2018). The quantitative research, though with a qualitative look, identified posts that made political knowledge possible to the citizen, as well as interviews to understand the use of the social network by the institution. An appropriate analysis to understand the use of the network by the public body, since the latest survey by DataSenado shows that 74% of Brazilians have or have had a social network - Facebook, Whatsapp, Instagram, or Twitter. A significant number, especially when compared to data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), from 2019, indicates that two-thirds of the country's population (69.8%) have an internet connection. These numbers drive the research of communicologists and political scientists, who seek to understand how this communication network is being part of people's daily lives. Mainly taking into account that the internet, and especially social networks, are becoming a space where different people connect, share content and participate in the political debate a few clicks away. The internet's expansion in Brazil and the number of people connected to networks made different public bodies create profiles on social networks to interact with people. A new channel that aims to establish a rapprochement with this digital audience, ensure transparency in management and encourage the participation of everyone in the decision-making process. As occurred at the City Council of Itapevi (CMI, in Portuguese). However, to guarantee a minimum of success in this digital endeavor, the information available on the networks must be of public interest and its content must be accessible, allowing citizens to understand how public authorities work and to know the process of choosing representatives. A knowledge that can be shared with the citizen through political literacy, as highlighted by Cosson (2016: 51): “these are knowledge related to the functioning of the State, with an emphasis on democratic mechanisms, which involves, on one hand, a knowledge about elections, parties and institutions, and on the other hand, the rights and duties of the citizen”. Therefore, the article was divided into four parts, in addition to the final considerations. The first seeks to clarify the difference between public and political communication; the second addresses how Facebook has supported CMI's communication strategy. Furthermore, there is a literature review on political literacy. Finally, the objective of this study: an analysis of the possibility of political literacy through publications made on the CMI profile on Facebook, in 2019, which concludes that the page is a virtual space for debate and public expression in the city, with growth potential for the promotion of citizenship and political knowledge. The study is based on publications in the areas of public communication (Matos, 2000; Marques, 2009; Correia, 2010), social networks (Recuero, 2009; Ferrari, 2004, Silva, 2020), and political literacy (Cosson, 2020; Biesta, 2009).

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

Millennial Missionaries

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Dugan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
The United States ◽  
College Campuses ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Gender Essentialism ◽  
Craft Beer ◽  
Catholic University ◽  
Religious Piety ◽  
Religious Landscape

This book is an ethnography of millennial-generation Catholic missionaries. The Fellowship of Catholic University Students (FOCUS) began hiring young adults to evangelize students on college campuses in 1998. Since then, FOCUS missionaries have developed a style of Catholic evangelization that navigates between strict and savvy interpretations of Catholic teaching in contemporary US youth culture. The Catholicism that FOCUS missionaries embrace and promote grew up with them and amid their middle-class American norms—missionaries own iPhones, drink craft beer, and create March Madness brackets. Born in the 1990s, millennial missionaries in their skinny jeans and devotional tattoos, large-framed glasses and scapulars embody an attractive style of Catholicism. They love saints and have memorized the “Tantum Ergo,” are fluent in college-student slang, but reject hook-up culture in favor of gender essentialism dictated by papal teachings. Missionaries rely on their social capital to make Catholicism cool. Many of their peers have been characterized as defectors from religious institutions. Yet, underneath the rise of “nones” is a story of increased religious piety. This book studies religion in the United States from the perspective of proud Catholic millennials. As they navigate their Catholic and US identities, these missionaries propose Catholicism as uniquely able to overcome perceived threats of secularism, relativism, and modernity. How, why, and with what implications is this Catholicism enacted? These questions, which point to power struggles between US culture and religious identity, drive this book. Through their prayers and evangelization efforts, missionaries are reshaping Catholic identity and shifting the religious landscape of the United States.

Carthage

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara K. Gold
Keyword(s):  
Religious Life ◽  
Human Sacrifice ◽  
Roman Emperor ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
Early Christian ◽  
The Social ◽  
The City

This chapter discusses the rise, development, and Romanization of ancient Carthage in the early Christian period after the formation of the province of Africa Proconsularis in the Augustan period; the physical topography of the city of Carthage, including the Byrsa, the Antonine Baths, and the amphitheater; and it describes the tophet or outdoor sacrificial area and whether human sacrifice was practiced among the Carthaginians. It also covers the life, influence, and African roots of Septimius Severus, the Roman emperor during Perpetua’s life and death. Also discussed are the social, religious, and intellectual conditions for pagans in Roman Carthage, who their local gods were (Tanit, Saturn, Juno Caelestis, Baal Hammon), and the connections between civic and religious life.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aled Davies
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Financial Centre ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post War ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This book is a study of the political economy of Britain’s chief financial centre, the City of London, in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher’s first Conservative government in 1979. The primary purpose of the book is to evaluate the relationship between the financial sector based in the City, and the economic strategy of social democracy in post-war Britain. In particular, it focuses on how the financial system related to the social democratic pursuit of national industrial development and modernization, and on how the norms of social democratic economic policy were challenged by a variety of fundamental changes to the City that took place during the period....

scholarly journals The Implications of and Responses to COVID-19: Localizing Human Rights in the City of York (UK)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-259
Author(s):  
Paul Gready
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
City Council ◽  
Right To Life ◽  
Thick Description ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City ◽  
Dimensional Picture

Abstract This essay attempts to capture the human rights implications of COVID-19, and responses to it, in the city of York (UK). Three human rights contributions are identified: ensuring that responses enhance dignity, the right to life, non-discrimination, and protect the most vulnerable; using human rights when balancing priorities and making difficult decisions; and optimizing the link between disease and democracy. The overarching aim is to localize and contextualize human rights in a meaningful way in the city, and thereby to provide meaningful guidance to the City Council and statutory agencies when implementing the difficult measures required by the pandemic, and to support civil society advocacy and monitoring. This work, led by the York Human Rights City (YHRC) network, illustrates the value of a localized ‘thick description’ of human rights and the multi-dimensional picture of challenges, innovations and solutions facilitated by such an approach.

La recherche appliquée: le cas du « Katholiek Sociaal Kerkelijk Instituut (KASKI) » aux Pays-Bas

1971 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Holl ◽  
Hyacinthe Crépin
Keyword(s):  
Professional Competence ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
Religious Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The People ◽  
Pastoral Planning ◽  
Senior Research ◽  
The Right

Following Vatican II changes are rapidly taking place within Dutch Catholicism — the bishops no longer make decisions in an authoritarian way: religious practice is de clining ; priests and religious are decreasing in numbers and many religious and pastoral experiments have come into being. KASKI has the responsibility of keeping pace with the Church during this process of change. In order to do this it makes use of several modes of work — the production of statistics relating to the position of religion in Society, the planning of religious and pastoral institutions and the study of new forms of the religious life in orders and congregations. For the first task it has used the same instruments for twenty- five years and the censuses thus produced yield valuable infor mation. As far as pastoral planning is concerned, it works in the field, playing the role of catalyst for those who have to make decisions and the people who have to carry out these decisions. This was the case, for instance, in the pastoral planning of the town of Eindhoven. Finally, when dealing with the new forms of communal religious life it adopts the method of studying through participation so that two of its researchers working in this sector are themselves members of religious groups. Applied research poses important problems, both from the methodological and from the political points of view. Amongst them may be noted the difficulty of determining precisely what constitutes rapid change in religious life, and the political choice of the persons for whom the research is being con ducted; the latter inevitably imposes a certain degree of conformity upon the perspectives of the work. (For example, the choice of the Dutch hierarchy which was to follow the general lines given by a large majority of Catholic opinion when it was tested particularly on questions like the liturgical and parochial changes). The fact, also, that the director of KASKI himself has a personal commitment to what may be described as the « right of centre » position in Dutch Catho licism poses problems for the work of the Institute. Political and religious radicalism is not a strong characteristic of the more senior research workers. KASKI is a rare example of a centre which brings socio logists together and uses their professional competence to accompany change in religious institutions.

scholarly journals NARRATIVAS SOBRE O DIREITO À EDUCAÇÃO EM DISPUTA: luzes antropológicas para compreender as mobilizações juvenis

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 586
Author(s):  
Valdeci Reis
Keyword(s):  
Buenos Aires ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Review Of The Literature ◽  
Right To Education ◽  
National Education ◽  
The Social ◽  
De Se ◽  
Ethnographic Data ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

Estudo etnográfico, com revisão de literatura sobre a construção social do conceito juventude, tem como objetivo relatar e analisar narrativas juvenis em torno do direito à educação. A análise empírica seleciona duas ondas de mobilizações protagonizadas por jovens estudantes: Atos em defesa das Universidades e Institutos Federais ocorridos na cidade de Florianópolis-SC; Na capital da Argentina, Buenos Aires, a narrativa etnográfica se debruça na análise de mobilizações protagonizadas por jovens portenhos que tomaram as ruas exigindo a manutenção da Ley Nacional de Educación, além de se posicionarem radicalmente contra as medidas de austeridade anunciadas pelo Governo Maurício Macri. A análise dos dados etnográficos aponta que a pauta em defesa da educação é capaz de unir coletivos e organizações dos mais variados espectros ideológicos.Palavras-chave: Juventude. Neoliberalismo. Participação social. Etnografia. América Latina.NARRATIVES ON THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION IN DISPUTE: anthropological lights to understand youth mobilizationsAbstractEthnographic study, with a review of the literature on the social construction of the concept of youth, in order to report and analyze youth narratives around the right to education.The empirical analysis selected two waves of mobilizations carried out by young students: Acts in defense of public educational institutions occurred in the city of Florianópolis-SC, Brazil;In the capital of Argentina, Buenos Aires, the ethnographic narrative focused on the analysis of mobilizations carried out by young people who went to the streets demanding the maintenance of the “National Education Law”, as well as to stand radicallyagainst the austerity measures announced by the MaurícioMacri Government. The analysis of the ethnographic data indicates that the agenda in defense of education is capable of uniting collectives and organizations affiliated to the mostdiverse ideological currents.Keywords: Youth. Neoliberalism. Social participation. Ethnography. Latin America.

scholarly journals Lebanon Cities’ Public Spaces

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maryam Nazzal ◽  
Samer Chinder
Keyword(s):  
Green Space ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
World Health ◽  
Right To The City ◽  
Social Connections ◽  
Land Prices ◽  
The Social ◽  
Health Organization ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

In Lebanon, the social connections are undeniable and crucial. However, meeting places remain private such as houses, restaurants, malls, and beach resorts. This is mainly due to the shortage of public spaces in Lebanon resulting from lack of planning, regulations and awareness around the right to the city and the importance of public spaces. In main cities where land prices are so expensive, common practice has prioritized the use of land in real estate development, thus trumping other uses such as public and communal spaces.In the late 1990s, Lebanon saw the emergence of malls, which have arguably acted as alternatives to public spaces. Malls, with their wealth of food courts, restaurants, cinemas, and play areas, have become the new downtown for a portion of the Lebanese population. They are also considered safe, which is another important factor.In 2015, the percentage of green spaces in Lebanon has decreased to less than 13%. While the World Health Organization (WHO) recommends a minimum of 9m2 of green space per capita (UN-HABITAT, 2016), Beirut has only 0.8m2.

scholarly journals Social movements and the law: the legal group inside the occupation of Porto Alegre city council in 2013

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-219
Author(s):  
Fiammetta Bonfigli ◽  
Germano Andre Doederlein Schwartz ◽  
Fabricio Pontin
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
City Council ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Porto Alegre ◽  
Law And Social Movements ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

This work is part of the research project developed by the Observatory on New Social Movements and Law in Brazil at La Salle University, focusing in the city of Porto Alegre and on the occupation of the City Council on July of 2013, which is placed in the context of the protests against the increase of bus fares and for free fare, attempting to understand the relationship between the political organization of the Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Publico and its legal group during the eight days of City Council occupation. We conducted semi-structured interviews with members of the occupation in order to clarify the dynamics in the movement and its understanding of the relationship between law and social movements, highlighting the deferment of the eviction order and the elaboration of two Bills as fundamental moments of the relationship between the collective organization of the occupation and its legal team. Este artículo forma parte de un proyecto de investigación desarrollado por el Observatorio de Nuevos Movimientos Sociales y Derecho de la Universidad La Salle de Brasil. Nos centramos en la ciudad de Porto Alegre y en la ocupación de su ayuntamiento en julio de 2013, en el contexto de las protestas contra el aumento de las tarifas de autobús y a favor del transporte gratuito. Intentamos comprender la relación entre la organización política del Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Publico y su grupo jurídico durante los ocho días que duró la ocupación. Realizamos entrevistas semiestructuradas con miembros de la ocupación para aclarar las dinámicas del movimiento y cómo entendía la relación entre derecho y movimientos sociales, destacando el aplazamiento de la orden de desalojo y la elaboración de dos leyes como momentos fundamentales de la relación entre la organización colectiva de la ocupación y su equipo jurídico.

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