The Cities of Kerma and Pnubs-Dokki Gel

Author(s):  
Charles Bonnet

The two cities of Kerma and Dokki Gel represent the center of an independent Nubian kingdom that stood up to Egyptian hegemony over a long period of time. Archaeological research carried out in Kerma has enabled us to trace the main development phases of the capital and to identify its main institutions, often influenced by Egypt. On the other hand, the city of Dokki Gel is different in nature, and its unusual architecture, displaying oval or circular monuments, leads us to consider an external input from neighboring countries, probably from the south, like Punt or ancient powers of Darfur. One can thus suggest that the armies of neighboring kingdoms took part in the defense of the territory in the form of coalitions mentioned in some sources contemporary with the conquest of Kerma by the pharaoh’s armies. The establishment of a menenu (fortress) by Thutmose I at Dokki Gel marks a breach that lasted three centuries, and the start of the Egyptianization of the city of Pnubs.

Author(s):  
Emmanouil Marinakis ◽  

Polyrrhenia and Phalasarna were both the most powerful ancient towns in the western part of Crete. The first was built on the mainland, whereas the second was a harbour town. The major political, military and economic growth for both towns maintained from the 4th century BC onwards, when their coinage flourished too, as it is also attested to other Cretan towns. Polyrrhenia had used various coin types, in silver and bronze, for a long period of time (4th - 1st century BC.), having as prominent deities, Zeus, Artemis, Hera and Apollo. On the other hand, Phalasarna retains the same coin types in silver (Head of female goddess / Trident, as symbol of Poseidon and of maritime power) for a shorter period (4th - 3rd century BC). The relief from the sanctuary of Dictynna is a very important document, because it depicts the two patron goddesses respectively. They are presented full-bodied and standing, accompanied with their symbols, in a gesture of handshaking, as a sign of the alliance between the two cities.


Author(s):  
Virginia M. Lewis

Chapter 5 explores the odes for Psaumis of Kamarina and Ergoteles of Himera. After a brief survey of the history of the two cities and the cultural context for the poems, the chapter then argues that Psaumis and Ergoteles offer contrasting examples of the way that Pindar mitigates the status of hybrid citizens in Sicily by writing the victors themselves into their local landscapes and civic ideology that is bound to the landscape. As examples of an immigrant (Ergoteles) and, at least possibly, a Greek of Sikel ethnicity (Psaumis), Ergoteles and Psaumis contrast with the tyrants Hieron and Theron. The poet, it suggests, emphasizes Psaumis’ control of both the landscape and cityscape of Kamarina in Olympian 4 and Olympian 5 and converts him into a quasi-mythical benefactor of the city. On the other hand, Ergoteles, an exiled Cretan, is integrated into the civic fabric of Himera through a bath in the hot springs of the Nymphs. This chapter proposes that Pindar’s emphasis on landscape in the Sicilian odes is a feature that transcends the divide between tyrant and non-tyrant victors. As in the odes for Syracusans and Akragantines, local landscapes in the odes for Kamarina and Himera participate in the formation of civic traditions. It argues, however, that in the cases of odes for victors who are themselves establishing their civic status the victor himself becomes affiliated with the local landscape through Pindar’s poetry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-134
Author(s):  
Frances Clemente

When in 1834, during his Grand Tour of Europe, Hans Christian Andersen set foot in Naples, he was immediately won over by the exuberant vitality of the Neapolitan people. The Parthenopean city, where he “was exposed to sensuality as a daily temptation” (Rossel, “Hans Christian Andersen” 24 and “Do You Know the Land” 95), also awakened Andersen’s more repressed instincts. From this experience he drew material for his most autobiographical novel, Improvisatoren (1835; The Improvisatore), whose protagonist tries to and succeeds in resisting the seductions of Neapolitan sensuality. If on the one hand the Danish author underwent the typical experience of the Northern traveller visiting the South and, more specifically, Naples, enjoying its openness and gaiety, on the other hand he never completely abandoned himself to Southern allures, upholding his moral and religious beliefs against a city that continuously attempted to wholly seduce him. The present paper aims to retrace Andersen’s first journey to Naples—where, by the writer’s own account, “the blood boils” (The Diaries of Hans Christian Andersen 85)—as a voyage into a tempting sensuality, contextualizing it within the wider context of nineteenth-century travelling experience in the city by Northern travellers.


1923 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-167
Author(s):  
F. W. Hasluck

Of the many resting-places assigned, by patriotic fancy, we must regretfully admit, rather than by well-authenticated traditions, to the last Greek emperor of Constantinople, none is more picturesque or more appropriate than the Golden Gate, through which, when the years are fulfilled, the victorious army of the Greeks is to enter the city and take possession once more of their ancient heritage. More than this, as Professor Polites has remarked, relatively ancient traditions of the saviour-king, who is to rise from the sleep of death at this historical moment, speak of him as dwelling ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ἄκρᾳ τῆς Βυζαντίδος which may well enough be interpreted of the Golden Gate, standing as it does at the south-west corner of the triangular city.Despite this appropriateness, we note in the traditions a certain discrepancy as to one essential point—the identity of the sleeper at the Golden Gate. He is either the emperor Constantine Palaiologos, or his predecessor John Palaiologos, or—S. John the Evangelist! All these traditions are historically almost equally incredible. But the intrusion of S. John, who, according to mediaeval traditions, sleeps without tasting of death in his tomb at Ephesus, is at least intelligible in this setting. The figure of John Palaiologos, on the other hand, seems to be no more than a bridge effecting the transition between the deathless saint, John, and the deathless emperor, Palaiologos, of popular tradition. This hypothetical development would be explicable if we could find such a combination as the existence at the Golden Gate of a body marvellously preserved, and therefore reputed that of a saint, which was ignorantly identified first for obvious reasons with S. John, and later swept into the long cycle of local legends concerning the sleeping saviour-king. It seems possible that some, though not all, of the missing links can be supplied.


ARTic ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 167-176
Author(s):  
Risti Puspita Sari Hunowu

This research is aimed at studying the Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque located in Gorontalo City. Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque is the oldest mosque in the city of Gorontalo The Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque was built as proof of Sultan Amay's love for a daughter and is a representation of Islam in Gorontalo. Researchers will investigate the visual form of the Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque which was originally like an ancient mosque in the archipelago. can be seen from the shape of the roof which initially used an overlapping roof and then converted into a dome as well as mosques in the world, we can be sure the Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque uses a dome roof after the arrival of Dutch Colonial. The researcher used a qualitative method by observing the existing form in detail from the building of the mosque with an aesthetic approach, reviewing objects and selecting the selected ornament giving a classification of the shapes, so that the section became a reference for the author as research material. Based on the analysis of this thesis, the form  of the Hunto Sultan Amay mosque as well as the mosques located in the archipelago and the existence of ornaments in the Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque as a decorative structure support the grandeur of a mosque. On the other hand, Hunto Mosque ornaments reveal a teaching. The form of a teaching is manifested in the form of motives and does not depict living beings in a realist or naturalist manner. the decorative forms of the Hunto Sultan Sultan Mosque in general tend to lead to a form of flora, geometric ornaments, and ornament of calligraphy dominated by the distinctive colors of Islam, namely gold, white, red, yellow and green.


GEOgraphia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (14) ◽  
Author(s):  
Márcio Piñon de Oliveira

A utopia do direito à cidade,  no  caso específico do Rio de Janeiro, começa, obrigatoriamente, pela  superação da visão dicotômica favela-cidade. Para isso, é preciso que os moradores da favela possam sentir-se tão cidadãos quanto os que têm moradias fora das favelas. A utopia do direito à cidade tem de levar a favela a própria utopia da cidade. Uma cidade que não se fragmente em oposições asfalto-favela, norte-sul, praia-subúrbio e onde todos tenham direito ao(s) seu(s) centro(s). Oposições que expressam muito mais do que diferenças de  localização e que  se apresentam recheadas de  segregação, estereótipos e  ideologias. Por outro  lado, o direito a cidade, como possibilidade histórica, não pode ser pensado exclusivamente a partir da  favela. Mas as populações  que aí habitam guardam uma contribuição inestimável para  a  construção prática  desse direito. Isso porque,  das  experiências vividas, emergem aprendizados e frutificam esperanças e soluções. Para que a favela seja pólo de um desejo que impulsione a busca do direito a cidade, é necessário que ela  se  pense como  parte da história da própria cidade  e sua transformação  em metrópole.Abstract The right  to the city's  utopy  specifically  in Rio de Janeiro, begins by surpassing  the dichotomy approach between favela and the city. For this purpose, it is necessary, for the favela dwellers, the feeling of citizens as well as those with home outside the favelas. The right to the city's utopy must bring to the favela  the utopy to the city in itself- a non-fragmented city in terms of oppositions like "asphalt"-favela, north-south, beach-suburb and where everybody has right to their center(s). These oppositions express much more the differences of location and present  themselves full of segregation, stereotypes and ideologies. On  the other  hand, the right to  the city, as historical possibility, can not be thought  just from the favela. People that live there have a contribution for a practical construction of this right. 


1997 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-108
Author(s):  
Moshe Sharon

In the 1994 season of the excavations in Ramla, archaeologist Don Glick, digging on behalf of Israel Antiquities Authority, exposed in a field on the eastern part of the city, some 600 m. to the south east of Birkat al-ՙAnaziyya, a complex of water installations consisting of two small basins or troughs (one 1.00 × 1.50 m. and the other 0.50 × 0.62 m.), and water canals and pipes. One of the canals was covered with a slab of marble, with an Arabic inscription, in a secondary usage. In the course of fitting the stone to its new purpose, it was cut and a few lines from the top and bottom of the inscription were lost. From the contents of the inscription, as we shall soon see, it can be learnt that the field and the water installations continued to be in use, long after the inscription ceased to serve its purpose, for it was utilized in the repairs of the water installations in the field at some later date.


2004 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-276
Author(s):  
Barry Kemp

The first millennium bc brought warfare to the interior of Egypt on a significant scale. We have two vivid records, one written and the other pictorial. The former is a first-person narrative of the Napatan (Sudanese) king Piankhy who, having gained control of the south of Egypt, embarked in 730 bc on a methodical subjugation of the rest of the country, then under the rule of several local families. During the seemingly irresistible northward progress of his army Piankhy makes frequent reference to walls with battlements and gates which could be countered with siege towers/battering rams and the erection of earthen ramps, although Piankhy himself preferred the tactic of direct storming. Within the circuit of these walls lay treasuries and granaries and, in the case of the city of Hermopolis in Middle Egypt, the palace of the local king Nemlut together with its stables for horses.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 213-220
Author(s):  
Jorge J. Pavani Carrillo ◽  
Maria C. Rubial ◽  
Cristina Albornoz ◽  
Silvina Villalba ◽  
Patricia Damiani ◽  
...  

Introduction: The Moyers’ probability tables are used in mixed dentition analysis to estimate the extent of space required for the alignment of canines and premolars, by correlating the mesiodistal size of lower incisors with the size of permanent canines and premolars. Objective: This study intended to evaluate the applicability of the Moyer's probability tables for predicting the mesiodistal space needed for the correct location of premolars and permanent canines non-erupted, in adolescents of the city of Cordoba, Argentina, who show different facial biotypes. Materials and Methods: Models and tele-radiographies of 478 adolescents of both genders from 10 to 15 years of age were analyzed. The tele-radiographies were measured manually in order to determine the facial biotype. The models were scanned with a gauged scanner (HP 3670) and measured by using Image Pro Plus 4.5 software. Results: According to this study, the comparison between the Moyer´s probability table, and the table created at the National University of Córdoba (UNC) (at 95%, 75%, and 50%) shows that, in both tables, a higher value of mesiodistal width of lower incisors corresponds to a bigger difference in the space needed for permanent canines and premolars; being the need for space for permanents canines and premolars bigger in the UNC´s table. On the other hand, when contrasting the values of mesiodistal space for permanent canines and premolars associated with each facial biotype, the discrepancies between groups were not statistically significant (P >0.05). However, we found differences in the size of the space required according to the mesiodistal width range of the lower incisors for each biotype: a) The comparison of lower-range values, with a mesialdistal width of lower incisors less than 22 mm, the space required for permanent canines and premolars resulted smaller in patients with dolichofacial biotype than in patients with mesofacial and braquifacial biotypes. The latter biotypes have meager differences between them. b) The comparison of mid-range values, with a mesialdistal width of lower incisors from 22 to 25 millimeters, shows that the values of required alignment space are similar in the three facial biotypes. c) Finally, the comparison of upper range values, with a mesialdistal width of lower incisors greater than 25 millimeters, indicates that the space required for dolichofacial biotypes tends to be higher than in mesofacial and brachyfacial biotypes. Conclusion: The Moyer´s probability tables should be created to meet the needs of the population under study, with no consideration of patients’ facial biotypes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-41
Author(s):  
Gonzalo Salazar ◽  
Daniela Jalabert

Abstract As a reaction to the complex global crisis, the notion of ecological urbanism has emerged in order to understand and attend the inaccuracy between the urban system and the environment of which it is a part. This article suggests that the form we perceive the city-nature relation deeply determines the praxis of urbanism arguing that the problem of ecological urbanism is essentially epistemological and ethical. Accordingly, the article introduces the concept of “landscape ecosophy” through which not only is possible to understand the indivisible connection of perception and socio-ecological practices, but also help us to reconnect the praxis of urbanism with a relational epistemology and landscape. The article empirically seeks to interpret how the Villarrica and Pucón urban system inhabitants in the Araucanía Region of Chile perceive and relate with the mountain and lacustrine landscapes in their daily practices of inhabitation. To achieve this, an ethnographic methodology is used. The discussion central line is represented by the question, ‘So close, but so far?’, as in spite of the fact that both cities are deeply connected to the landscape, their socio-cultural constructions are defined by the notions of disconnection and a lack of awareness. On the other hand, in a sort of circular causality, the article also identifies how certain urban initiatives may not only imply a reconnection between the urban system and the landscape of which it is a part, but also contribute to trigger the emergence of deeper landscape ecosophies.


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