The Political Education of John Jones: Black Politics in a Northern City, 1845–1879

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-60
Author(s):  
Margaret Garb
2021 ◽  
Vol 2019 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
Dominik Feldmann

Zusammenfassung: Der Antiextremismus geht davon aus, dass die Gefahren der Demokratie an den Rändern des politischen Spektrums zu finden sind, und hat damit große Wirkmächtigkeit. Dies betrifft die innere Sicherheit ebenso wie Bildungsdebatten. Allerdings ernten der Antiextremismus in öffentlichen Debatten und die Extremismustheorie in der Wissenschaft immer wieder Kritik: Dient der Extremismusansatz tatsächlich dem Demokratieschutz oder schützt er bestehende Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnisse, indem er Politikangebote, die von der politischen Mitte abweichen, diskreditiert? Für ein Verständnis des Antiextremismus fragt der Beitrag nach seinen Ursprüngen, Grundannahmen und Defiziten. Außerdem werden seine Einflüsse auf bildungspolitische Entscheidungen und Inhalte politischer Bildung betrachtet. Schließlich wird diskutiert, inwiefern der Antiextremismus sinnvoller Bestandteil von Bildung in einer und für eine Demokratie sein kann.Abstract: The anti-extremism discourse assumes that the dangers posed to democracy are to be found only at the edges of the political spectrum, and has thus become very influential both in relation to domestic security issues and to debates concerning education. However, this dicourse is repeatedly criticized in academia and public debates: Does its approach to “extremism” indeed serve to protect democracy, or does it, rather, protect existing power relationships by discrediting policies that deviate from the political centre? In order to understand the anti-extremism discourse, this article investigates its origins, basic assumptions and deficits. It also examines its influences on educational policy decisions and the content of political education. Finally, it discusses to what extent engagement with this discourse can contribute towards sound political education in a democratic context.


Author(s):  
Wen Qi ◽  

Political socialization is an aspect of socialization, and its goal is to cultivate sound, rational and qualified political people. With the continuous development of society, college students, as social citizens, gradually have the opportunity to change from management object to management subject in the trend of political socialization. In addition, College students are also the driving force of social development and the hope of making the whole country rich and strong. Therefore, making college students have enough political literacy and whether they are highly socialized will affect the development level of the whole society. At present, ideological and political education has been gradually popularized in universities, and the level of ideological and political education affects the results of college students’ political socialization. It is particularly important to constantly improve and improve the contents, objectives and methods of ideological and political education so as to promote the political socialization of college students. This thesis will study the ideological and political education in colleges and universities from many aspects and analyze its role and value in the political socialization of college students one by one.


1990 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-13
Author(s):  
Joe Latakgomo

The political scene in South Africa today is perhaps one of the most complex in the modern world. The easiest analysis would be to have the white minority government on the one hand, and the back resistance and liberation organizations ranged against it on the other. Unfortunately, it is not that easy. The white minority itself is torn by divisions and differences in ideology, with essentially two divisions into the right-wing and the centrists. Both camps, however, are themselves divided into various notches on the scale to the right, but never beyond to the left of centrist. That position has been reserved for black politics, which is also positioned at various points on the scale to the left.


2020 ◽  
pp. 197-208
Author(s):  
Ismail K. White ◽  
Chryl N. Laird

This concluding chapter examines the broader implications of this research, both empirical and normative. It discusses the potential for this theoretical framework to further understanding of the political behavior of other social groupings in America. The chapter also considers the framework's applicability to understanding the political homogeneity of localized racial groupings. If the foundational mechanism of political power through unity is that identified by the framework—coracial social ties—then desegregation and the loss of black institutions are a fundamental challenge to the doing of black liberation politics. The chapter discusses what this might mean for the future of black politics. In so doing, it also engages arguments about the harms of coracial policing and weighs how to think about balancing those concerns against the reality that the political unity that has consistently enabled black political power relies on a process of social sanctioning. Finally, the chapter considers the questions future research might answer by engaging and applying this theoretical framework and charts a course for future progress.


Fénelon ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 15-25

The Fables are drawn from several short texts that Fénelon’s editors have previously gathered under the title Fables et opuscules pédagogiques. They comprise a range of writings that Fénelon composed for the political education of the Duke of Burgundy, grandson of Louis XIV and Petit Dauphin, during his tenure as court tutor. Important contributions to a genre pioneered by Aesop and La Fontaine, they have long been regarded as significant literary achievements as well as key vehicles for lessons in the virtues necessary for just rule and the means of establishing political order.


1984 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 531
Author(s):  
Michael Rustad ◽  
Morris Janowitz ◽  
Stephen Wesbrook

1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cary J. Nederman

Several recent scholars have raised afresh the question of what Aristotle meant in Politics 1 by the statement that men are “by nature” political, that is, are political animals. This article addresses this quandary by reference to Aristotle's psychology and his notion of political education. It is argued that by concentrating on Aristotle's theory of human locomotion and its implications for moral choice, we may identify the relation he conceived between the polis and human nature. Specifically, the ability of humans to live according to their natures requires the systematic education afforded by the laws and institutions of the polis.


1987 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
R. H. ◽  
Morris Janowitz ◽  
Stephen D. Wesbrook

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