Measuring the Tangible Fear of Heterosexist Violence

2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (6) ◽  
pp. 980-1007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Fox ◽  
Nicole L. Asquith

Fear of crime (FoC) has dominated the political landscape over the last 20 years, with many crime policy developments during this period linked not to actual experiences of violence but to the fear of victimization. Fear of crime studies, in most cases, are conducted with populations that have only a passing, mediated knowledge of crime victimization. The research discussed in this article, in contrast, considers the impact of FoC with a highly victimized community, and establishes psychometric testing to validate an instrument to measure the impact of that fear ( Fear of Heterosexism Scale [ FoHS]). If FoC is related to experiences of crime as the existing research suggests, then victims of heterosexist prejudice, discrimination, and/or violence would be more likely to fear such incidents in the future. It was also predicted that participants who concealed their sexual and/or gender identity and had lower levels of social connectedness would experience higher levels of fear. The findings highlight the importance of contextual factors in FoH, and identify the critical roles that disclosure and social connectedness play in ameliorating the damaging effects of heterosexist victimization.

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 632-638
Author(s):  
Stephanie A Bryson

This reflexive essay examines the adoption of an intentional ‘ethic of care’ by social work administrators in a large social work school located in the Pacific Northwest. An ethic of care foregrounds networks of human interdependence that collapse the public/private divide. Moreover, rooted in the political theory of recognition, a care ethic responds to crisis by attending to individuals’ uniqueness and ‘whole particularity.’ Foremost, it rejects indifference. Through the personal recollections of one academic administrator, the impact of rejecting indifference in spring term 2020 is described. The essay concludes by linking the rejection of indifference to the national political landscape.


1987 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rick Seltzer ◽  
Joseph P. McCormick

A 1983 telephone survey of 610 respondents in two Maryland counties found that the general disposition of the respondents toward the criminal justice system was a better predictor of abstract attitudes toward the death penalty than either the respondents’ fear of becoming crime victims or whether they had been victims of crime. Yet respondents’ fear of crime victimization was a better predictor of their willingness to impose the death penalty or to accept mitigating circumstances during the penalty phase of a capital case than their abstract attitudes toward the criminal justice system. Respondents who were “somewhat” afraid of crime victimization were less likely to support the death penalty than were respondents who were “very” afraid or “not” afraid of victimization. These findings indicate that previous research on the death penalty may have been flawed because the wording of the questions asked was too abstract and unidimensional.


Author(s):  
Alesha Doan

The impact of morality conflicts on the political landscape is widespread. These debates have involved political institutions at every level of government, impacted electoral outcomes, shaped agendas, and occupied significant space in citizen discourses. However, despite the historical and modern regularity of these debates, scholars have been slow to consider belief-laden conflicts within the purview of political science research. This chapter explores the development of the morality politics literature. Attention is given to the initial research in this field, as well as the studies that refined and challenged several of the early assumptions underpinning morality politics scholarship.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 112-121
Author(s):  
Elena Alekseenkova ◽  

The paper examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political process in Italy in 2021. The author analyzes the change of government in February 2021 and the country’s economic recovery and resilience plan, as well as changes in the party-political landscape that occurred in the second year of the pandemic. The study showed that there is an increase in the factors of personalization of power and the strengthening of the executive branch and stagnation of the party landscape in the absence of a clear leader among political forces. The center-right and center-left coalitions are comparable in terms of citizens’ support, but at the same time the level of frustration is growing, reflecting the dissatisfaction of citizens with any of the parties. We can say that there is a certain feeling of the lack of alternative to the proposed development model and the absence of the very request for an alternative. Against this background, the ideas of sovranism so popular recently, it seems, no longer have any prospects.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Don Rood

New Zealanders place great value on the quality of their freshwater rivers, streams and lakes for recreation, conservation and food gathering. But over the last 25 years they have become increasingly concerned at the deterioration in water quality, the loss of swimming holes and fishing spots, and the impact of pollution on native and valued introduced species and their habitat. The issue has deeply divided the community and become more and more acrimonious. Recreational and conservation groups blame industrial agriculture for much of the decline, and accuse central and local government of turning a blind eye to the problem and failing to protect the environment. Scientists have added their voices to the debate, but big agriculture and its lobby groups have responded aggressively, denying the problem exists, attacking their accusers and warning government against tackling the problem with tighter controls. Public frustration at the political paralysis and inaction has seen water quality become New Zealanders’ biggest single concern. The issue is now firmly established on the political agenda and one any political party wanting to govern the country ignores at its peril.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-38
Author(s):  
Giovanni Savino

This article explores how the pandemic crisis resulted in a confluence of neo-fascist groups such as Forza Nuova and CasaPound, national-populist parties such as Lega and Brothers of Italy, the Orange Vests of former General Pappalardo and COVID-19 deniers. Since March 2020, the Italian far right has consciously based its strategy on spreading conspiracy theories about COVID-19 and opposing any type of restrictive measures, from the lockdown to mask mandates and vaccination. The attempts to build a mass anti-vaccine movement permeated with neo-fascist influences may have stalled, but it would be mistaken to think that the battle has been lost: the impact of COVID deniers on the political landscape goes beyond poll results. The contemporary ideological fluidity favors mainstreaming negationist slogans, for instance through the unexpected overlap between the far right and New Age culture. The real struggle is conducted in the field of ideas and cultural hegemony, where a profound illiberal, anti-scientific, and conspiracy sentiment continues to gain support in Italy thanks to the overlap between neo-fascists, national-populists, and COVID deniers.


Author(s):  
Seong-Sik Lee ◽  
Kyung-shick Choi ◽  
Sinyong Choi ◽  
Elizabeth Englander

This study constructed a structural model which consists of social demographic factors, experience of victimization, opportunity factors, and social context factors to explain the public’s fear of crime on social networking sites (SNS). The model is based on the risk interpretation model, which predicts that these factors influence users’ fear of crime victimization. Using data from 486 university students in South Korea, an empirically-tested model suggests that sex and age have direct and significant effects on fear of victimization, supporting the vulnerability hypothesis. Among opportunity factors, the level of personal information and the number of offending peers have significant effects on fear of victimization through the medium of the perceived victimization risk, although the effect of SNS usage time is not significant. In addition, it was revealed that experience of victimization has a direct effect on fear of victimization. Furthermore, findings indicate that bridging social network has a direct and indirect positive effect on fear of victimization, and collective efficacy has an indirect effect on fear of victimization. Results show that incidents in SNS have the strongest effect on fear of victimization among various factors in this model without being mediated by the perceived victimization risk. Overall, this study supports a structural model for the fear of victimization.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inqilab Shahbazov ◽  
Zaur Afandiyev

Using the dataset of the first nationwide victimization survey in Azerbaijan, the current paper analyzed whether home security systems have a relationship with the perceived probability of property crime victimization. The ordinal logistic regression analysis was employed. The first set of results examining the distribution of security systems identified that despite the impact of certain demographics correlates, perceived risk is not a significant correlate of possession or absence of security systems. The presence of security measures at home was associated with a higher perceived probability of victimization level for acquisitive crimes. This study shows the importance of incorporating home security level as an independent variable. The choice of home as a unit of analysis when studying fear of victimization allowed us to ascertain not only the impact of home security systems on perceived victimization risks, but also to find out whether it is dwelling, demographic or neighborhood features that matter more in affecting sense of safety. The key findings of the study are that a) the level of home security systems is positively correlated with PPV, irrespective of individual-level characteristics, and b) perceived risk is not a statistically significant factor when it comes to a decision to purchase security systems.


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