To which extent do political parties utilize similar frames?

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110288
Author(s):  
Camilla Bjarnøe
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Data Set ◽  
The Public ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Coalition Partner ◽  
Mainstream Party ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Very High ◽  
Degree Of Overlap

How parties compete by utilizing frames in the public debate is not well understood. A widespread understanding is that parties tend to compete by talking past each other, i.e. when they utilize dissimilar frames. This article relies on a unique data set of parties’ framing of four individual policy questions over two decades in Denmark to examine frame overlap, i.e. when parties adopt similar frames. Results show that parties utilize similar and dissimilar frames in the public debate. However, a high degree of frame similarity was generally found across parliamentary blocs (between the leading mainstream party from each bloc, their leading junior coalition partner, and the two blocs) and most often a very high degree of overlap was found within parliamentary blocs (between the leading mainstream party and its junior coalition partner). This result suggests a need to rethink thoroughly how to understand and study interaction among parties utilizing frames.

scholarly journals Attitudes and opinions of Italian middle-level elites in the new millennium. Adaptation, innovation, or persistence?

2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Paola Bordandini ◽  
Rosa Mulé
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Belief System ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Middle Level ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
National Party ◽  
Party Change ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Unique Data

The literature on party politics has generally conceived of party change as party adaptation. Building on the theories of institutional change based on critical juncture analysis, our work contributes to the literature in two ways. Theoretically, by unpacking the concept of party change in three dimensions: adaptation, innovation, and persistence. This multidimensionality has been unduly neglected in the literature, too exclusively focussed on party adaptation. Empirically, the article analyses whether the attitudes and opinions of middle-level elites reveal adaptation, innovation, or persistence in their belief system at the beginning of the third millennium. Drawing upon a unique data set of national party delegates of 15 Italian political parties, regression results suggest that high entry barriers in party organizations may hinder Schumpeterian innovation.

Does Foundation Giving Stimulate or Suppress Private Giving? Evidence from a Panel of Canadian Charities

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 382-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iryna Khovrenkov
Keyword(s):  
Economic Theory ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Public Good ◽  
Data Set ◽  
The Public ◽  
Private Giving ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Private Donations ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Canadian Charities

As non-governmental providers of public goods, charities are funded by governments and also by individuals and foundations. How do foundation grants to charities affect private donations to these organizations? The standard economic theory on voluntary contributions to the public good hypothesizes that foundation giving will crowd out private donations. An alternative giving dynamic may arise whereby foundations act as complements to private donations because they can provide a signal of charity quality to individuals and thereby influence their decisions to give. This article offers a rigorous empirical analysis of the relationship between foundation and private donations by utilizing a unique data set on Canadian social welfare and community charities matched with their foundation donors. Empirical findings confirm that an additional dollar of foundation grants to charities crowds in private giving by three dollars on average, suggesting that private donors may look to foundation grants for information on charities to make informed giving decisions.

scholarly journals The Autonomy of Scandinavian Public Service Broadcasters During Election Campaign Periods

2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjersti Thorbjørnsrud
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Comparative Case Study ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
The Public ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
External Regulation ◽  
Audience Appeal ◽  
High Degree

Abstract This comparative case study explores the formal and informal principles governing election formats produced by the public service broadcasters in Sweden, Denmark and Norway. The focus is on external regulation vs. journalistic autonomy and on principles of balance and access. The conclusion is that the Scandinavian broadcasters, to a larger extent than broadcasters in other Western countries, independently control the form and content of their election formats. This journalistic autonomy, however, has brought about election formats governed by different principles of access. The Danish and Swedish formats are based on a moderate stopwatch logic, whereas the election formats in Norway center on criteria of audience appeal, resulting in a model of access disproportionately favoring certain political parties. The high degree of journalistic control of election formats in Scandinavia, paired with the low control of political parties encourage a discussion of some of the central premises in the Democratic Corporatist Model.

scholarly journals Why do parties support emigrant voting rights?

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Østergaard-Nielsen ◽  
Irina Ciornei ◽  
Jean-Michel Lafleur
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
External Voting ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
The Right ◽  
Party Family

AbstractPolicies allowing enfranchisement of non-resident citizens (emigrants and their descendants) are now implemented in the majority of states worldwide. A growing number of case studies show that the extension of voting rights to non-resident citizens is often contested among country of origin political parties. However, there is no systematic comparative study of why different political parties support or oppose external voting rights and how this position is framed by the parties. Drawing on a unique data set based on 34 debates across 13 countries, we estimate the extent to which ideology and party family are correlated with the positioning and framing of parties. Among the findings are that the more to the right is a party, the more it tends to support external voting rights, except in the case of radical right parties. The position on emigrant voting rights is largely framed along more pragmatic arguments.

scholarly journals Quantifying the Endogeneity in Online Donations

Entropy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (12) ◽  
pp. 1667
Author(s):  
Peng Wang ◽  
Jinyi Li ◽  
Yinjie Ma ◽  
Zhiqiang Jiang
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Branching Ratio ◽  
Severe Illness ◽  
Event Data ◽  
Feedback Process ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Hawkes Processes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Online Donations

Charitable crowdfunding provides a new channel for people and families suffering from unforeseen events, such as accidents, severe illness, and so on, to seek help from the public. Thus, finding the key determinants which drive the fundraising process of crowdfunding campaigns is of great importance, especially for those suffering. With a unique data set containing 210,907 crowdfunding projects covering a period from October 2015 to June 2020, from a famous charitable crowdfunding platform, specifically Qingsong Chou, we will reveal how many online donations are due to endogeneity, referring to the positive feedback process of attracting more people to donate through broadcasting campaigns in social networks by donors. For this aim, we calibrate three different Hawkes processes to the event data of online donations for each crowdfunding campaign on each day, which allows us to estimate the branching ratio, a measure of endogeneity. It is found that the online fundraising process works in a sub-critical state and nearly 70–90% of the online donations are endogenous. Furthermore, even though the fundraising amount, number of donations, and number of donors decrease rapidly after the crowdfunding project is created, the measure of endogeneity remains stable during the entire lifetime of crowdfunding projects. Our results not only deepen our understanding of online fundraising dynamics but also provide a quantitative framework to disentangle the endogenous and exogenous dynamics in complex systems.

scholarly journals Deterrence Theory in Paraguay: An Exploratory Study

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Exploratory Study ◽  
White Collar Crime ◽  
White Collar ◽  
Deterrence Theory ◽  
Data Set ◽  
The Public ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Side Result

This research paper contributes to the literature of deterrence theory in general, and in particular with respect to white-collar crime, offering valuable inside by using a unique data set of fraud and violation of trust incidents for Paraguay. Descriptive evidence show a clear and continuous misallocation of funds and human capital, and therefore providing less efficient services for the public. Regression analysis suggests that clearance rate exerts a highly significant effect in deterring fraud but results are not clear for violation of trust incidents. Despite the limitations of available data, results confirm deterrence theory in Paraguay. However, to more than two-thirds of victims, not even the attempt was made to seek justice. As a side-result, it seems that a soft on crime strategy, induced from the former German penal code, has led to an increasing share of pre-trial diversion and therefore enhancing white-collar crimes like fraud and violation of trust due to impunity.

Controlling political corruption in Italy : What did not work, what can be done

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-369
Author(s):  
Donatella Della Porta ◽  
Alberto Vannucci
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
Internal Controls ◽  
The Political ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Institutional Control ◽  
Long Time ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Political Scandals ◽  
Very High

The paper dealt with the control on political corruption in Italy, in particular with the reasons why most of the control mechanisms did not work for a long time, allowingfor the development of"tangentopoli". First of all, we  briefly discussed the reasons why the controls ''from below"--that is, from citizens or electors--did not function in Italy: the pervasive occupation of the administration and the civil society by the political parties, as well as "secret" agreements between political parties in order to avoid political scandals were discussed.The paper continued by analyzing two types of institutional control: the administrative controls and the judiciary controls. In the second part, we presented some main characteristics of the Italian public administration that hampered internal controls, the informal control of parties over the bureaucrats through clientelism and complicity in corruption being one among them. In the third part, we focused on the peculiar characteristics of a magistracy that enjoyed of a very high degree of format autonomy from the political power, but was "pushed" towards politics for reasons as different as complicity in corruption and the need to "substitute" for the weak policy making capacity of political parties. In the fourth part, we reviewed some (implemented of planned) reform bills to deal with the control of political corruption.

Legislative Malfeasance and Political Accountability

2010 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric C. C. Chang ◽  
Miriam A. Golden ◽  
Seth J. Hill
Keyword(s):  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Political Accountability ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
Electoral Accountability ◽  
The Public ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Independent Judiciary ◽  
The Press ◽  
Judicial Investigation

Utilizing a unique data set from the Italian Ministry of Justice reporting the transmission to the Chamber of Deputies of more than the thousand requests for the removal of parliamentary immunity from deputies suspected of criminal wrongdoing, the authors analyze the political careers of members of the Chamber during the first eleven postwar legislatures (1948–94). They find that judicial investigation typically did not discourage deputies from standing for reelection in Italy's large multimember electoral districts. They also show that voters did not punish allegedly malfeasant legislators with loss of office until the last (Eleventh) legislature in the sample. To account for the dramatic change in voter behavior that occurred in the early 1990s, the investigation focuses on the roles of the judiciary and the press. The results are consistent with a theory that a vigilant and free press is a necessary condition for political accountability in democratic settings. An independent judiciary alone is ineffective in ensuring electoral accountability if the public is not informed of political malfeasance.

Three Worlds of Representation: A Linkage-Based Typology of Parties in Western and Eastern Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Wineroither ◽  
Gilg U. H. Seeber
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The West ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Policy Representation ◽  
Democratic Experience ◽  
Post Industrial ◽  
Industrial Societies

This article is part of the special cluster titled Parties and Democratic Linkage in Post-Communist Europe, guest edited by Lori Thorlakson, and will be published in the August 2018 issue of EEPS Have Eastern European democracies developed patterns of accountability similar to those existent in their established counterparts? While most accounts of convergence are confined to the world of programmatic reasoning and policy representation, we use a unique data set to cover the wealth of instrumental and emotional modes of linkage building. We apply advanced techniques of model-based cluster analysis to establish a linkage-based typology of political parties. In the East, the contrast of programmatic and clientelistic parties is most essential in the absence of strong regional subdivisions. In the West, the structure of linkage building is characterized by an all-encompassing divide that separates mainstream and challenger parties. Parties in Southern Europe form a distinct Mediterranean type of “machine politics.” The results for affluent post-industrial societies both support and contradict premises of the cartel party hypothesis. For third-wave democracies in the East, our results suggest the persistence of legacies of pre-communist and communist rule against the weight of cumulative democratic experience. In sum, patterns of accountability remained markedly different in the two regions on the eve of the economic crisis in 2008–2009.

scholarly journals The Development of Political Parties during the Reign of Queen Anne

1900 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 69-121
Author(s):  
Walter Frewen Lord
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Early Years ◽  
The Public ◽  
Fishing Fleet ◽  
Perfect Security ◽  
The Social ◽  
High Degree

The social conditions of the early years of the eighteenth century were in a high degree favourable to underhand dealings. Although England was on the verge of a great war with her secular rival, the patrolling of the Channel seems to have been almost entirely neglected. Sloops crossed to France, and crossed to England from France almost daily, and went and came unchallenged. H.M.S. Warspite, on seizing a French privateer out of St. Malo, was confronted with the claim of a Yarmouth fisherman, who complained that the boat was his own; that it had been driven to sea in a storm, captured, and carried to St. Malo. Every fishing fleet clearly ran the same risk. The presence of a Seaford peasant having become desirable, for some undisclosed reason, he was kidnapped from his field, willingly or unwillingly, and carried to France. With the Channel in this condition it is clear that although the movements of highly placed men could be watched and controlled, obscure agents could pass and repass in perfect security, so far as the efforts of the pubic services were concerned. Extensive powers of the public services were concerned. Extensive powers of arrest of suspicious persons were enjoyed by the magistracy, but the public services were themselves not above suspicion.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document