Deterrence, Defense, and Disengagement

1962 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 393-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glenn H. Snyder

Perhaps the central dilemma in national security policy is how to A reconcile the obvious potency of nuclear weapons for purposes of deterrence with their dubious utility as instruments of defense—i.e., for fighting a war at tolerable cost in case deterrence should fail. In prenuclear days, deterrence was more or less a function of an efficient capacity for defense, but with the new technology deterrence may be accomplished with capabilities and threats that do not correspond to the capabilities and strategies most suitable for rational military action. This dichotomy forms the leading theme of Deterrent or Defense, by Captain B. H. Liddell Hart, one of Britain's leading military analysts. The book is a collection of articles written mostly during the past three or four years, and concerned chiefly with military problems of NATO. As in many books of this sort, the articles overlap to some extent and are not always consistent. Leaving aside the inconsistencies for the moment, Liddell Hart's basic position can be stated briefly. Strategic nuclear airpower is useful for deterring an all-out nuclear attack on the United States or a full-scale conventional assault on Western Europe. But it has no value whatever for purposes of defense, because the inevitable result of the actual use of such weapons is simply “mutual suicide.” Even though it would be “lunacy” for the United States to initiate thermonuclear war in response to a Soviet attack in Europe, the Russians' fear of such a response probably is still strong enough to deter them from all but limited actions. Hence, the major problem facing NATO is to develop an effective non-suicidal defense against limited aggression. The book's greatest merit lies in its contribution to the solution of this problem.

Author(s):  
Thomas Steinfatt ◽  
Dana Janbek

This chapter focuses on the use of propaganda during times of war, prejudice, and political unrest. Part one distinguishes between persuasion and one of its forms, propaganda. The meaning-in-use of the term ‘propaganda' is essential to understanding its use over time. Part two presents relevant examples of propaganda from the past several centuries in the United States and Europe. These examples include episodes from World War I and II, among others. Propaganda is not a new tool of persuasion, and learning about its use in the past provides a comparison that helps in understanding its use in the present and future. Part three looks at recent examples of how propaganda occurs in actual use in online terrorist mediums by Al-Qaeda and by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS).


Author(s):  
Deepak Nayyar

This chapter analyses the striking changes in the geographical distribution of manufacturing production amongst countries and across continents since 1750, a period that spans more than two-and-a-half centuries, which could be described as the movement of industrial hubs in the world economy over time. Until around 1820, world manufacturing production was concentrated in China and India. The Industrial Revolution, followed by the advent of colonialism, led to deindustrialization in Asia and, by 1880, Britain became the world industrial hub that extended to northwestern Europe. The United States surpassed Britain in 1900, and was the dominant industrial hub in the world until 2000. During 1950 to 2000, the relative, though not absolute, importance of Western Europe diminished, and Japan emerged as a significant industrial hub, while the other new industrial hub, the USSR and Eastern Europe, was short lived. The early twenty-first century, 2000–2017, witnessed a rapid decline of the United States, Western Europe, and Japan as industrial hubs, to be replaced largely by Asia, particularly China. This process of shifting hubs, associated with industrialization in some countries and deindustrialization in other countries in the past, might be associated with premature deindustrialization in yet other countries in the future.


1981 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Nacht

An examination of the past relationships between nuclear proliferation and American security policy substantiates several propositions. First, the political relationship between the United States and each new nuclear weapon state was not fundamentally transformed as a result of nuclear proliferation. Second, with the exception of the Soviet Union, no new nuclear state significantly affected U.S. defense programs or policies. Third, American interest in bilateral nuclear arms control negotiations has been confined to the Soviet Union. Fourth, a conventional conflict involving a nonnuclear ally prompted the United States to intervene in ways it otherwise might not have in order to forestall the use of nuclear weapons.In all respects, however, the relationship between nuclear proliferation and American security policy is changing. The intensification of the superpower rivalry and specific developments in their nuclear weapons and doctrines, the decline of American power more generally, and the characteristics of nuclear threshold states all serve to stimulate nuclear proliferation. It will be increasingly difficult in the future for American security policy to be as insulated from this process as it has been in the past.


1959 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. S. Bunting ◽  
L. A. Willey

Since the introduction of silos and associated techniques of ensilage production in the late 1870's, maize has been the principal silage crop in the United States. Many British authorities agree that maize is a ‘splendid silage crop, highly nutritious, heavy yielding and easy to cut and handle’ (Bond, 1948, see also Watson & Smith, 1956; Woodman & Amos, 1944) but, nevertheless, it is very rarely grown in Britain for silage. In this country, as in most countries of Western Europe, the predominant aim of maize cultivation has been to produce succulent green fodder for direct feeding to animals during time of drought and consequent grass shortage. The acreage grown in England is small, but in Western Germany in 1955 there were about 100,000 acres of fodder maize (Becker, 1956), while in France, in 1954, the acreage exceeded 500,000 (Desroches, 1955). Recently in Western Europe considerable interest has been shown in the possibilities of maize as a silage crop, and within the past few years preliminary results have been reported from Holland (Becker, 1956; Anon. 1954, 1955); Denmark (Bagge & Hansen, 1956); Belgium (Lacroix, 1955; Ledent, 1955); Germany (Jungehulsing, 1955; Schell, 1954); France (Desroches, 1955), and Switzerland (Bachmann, 1952).


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-121
Author(s):  
Sajjad H. Rizvi

As jihadi ideology shifts from articulating a perpetual conflict against the“far enemy” (read: the United States and its allies) and the “near enemy”(read: the United States’ clients) within the Middle East and the wider Muslimworld to taking the conflict to the heart of the far enemy in NorthAmericaand Western Europe, it is time for academics to take stock of what hashappened, how it has happened, and why. The “radicalization” debate, as itis called, tries to ask the pertinent question of why some Muslim male citizensof these “western” states feel so disenchanted, dis-integrated, and alienatedfrom their immediate communities that they can perpetrate such grossacts of violence as the bombings in Madrid in March 2004 and 7/7 in London.The challenge of such violent radicalism (and it is important to qualifyit as such, since radicalism traditionally has been a political virtue of the Leftdemanding change) affects security policy as well as the integrity and dignityof Muslim communities. Tahir Abbas, a reader in sociology at the University of Birmingham anda leading expert on the sociology of Britain’s Muslim communities, hasassembled a vibrant interdisciplinary circle of specialists, comprisingMuslimand non-Muslim academics and activists, to tackle this question. The collectionbrings together studies in political science, political sociology (the primaryfocus for the debate on radicalism), anthropology, psychology, criminology,and related disciplines.The contributors concentrate on Britain, albeitwithin a European context, and thus this book might be of value for thosestudying Islamismin otherMuslim-minority contexts (particularly the UnitedStates) and even in Muslim-majority contexts as a base of comparison ...


Author(s):  
Thomas Steinfatt ◽  
Dana Janbek

This chapter focuses on the use of propaganda during times of war, prejudice, and political unrest. Part one distinguishes between persuasion and one of its forms, propaganda. The meaning-in-use of the term ‘propaganda' is essential to understanding its use over time. Part two presents relevant examples of propaganda from the past several centuries in the United States and Europe. These examples include episodes from World War I and II, among others. Propaganda is not a new tool of persuasion, and learning about its use in the past provides a comparison that helps in understanding its use in the present and future. Part three looks at recent examples of how propaganda occurs in actual use in online terrorist mediums by Al-Qaeda and by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS).


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Lieber

‘I don’t give a s— about the lira.‘These, as well as comparable sentiments about the pound sterling expressed by a recent U.S. President and preserved on tape for posterity, may symbolize a growing American lack of interest in Western Europe. In turn, European views of the United States may now be less exalted than at any time in the past three decades. In a period when misunderstandings, apocalyptic visions and contradictory judgements abound regarding the future of European unity and European-American relations, it is worth examining some evidence of recent European elite attitudes in order to facilitate more reliable judgementsor at least less impressionistic ones.


1998 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 663-692 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellis S. Krauss

In the industrialized democratic world, broadcasting news monopolies and oligopolies have all but disappeared. Whereas public broadcasters in Western Europe in the earlier postwar period had a monopoly or duopoly on televised news, today there is a more diverse market with competition from other public and commercial broadcasters, often carried by new technology such as satellites. In the United States, the oligopoly of the three networks in news has been broken by both CNN on cable and, to a lesser extent, PBS in its program “News Hour.” Thus the new competition introduced into broadcasting systems has been the result of either changed government policy or new technological mediums, or in certain instances both.


1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-211

In the annual report covering the period July 1, 1949 to June 30, 1950, J. Donald Kingsley, the Director-General of IRO, stated that the organization began the year covered in the report with a total caseload of 694,823 refugees and at the end of June 1950 the total caseload had been reduced to 539,579 refugees; the over-all reduction resulted from 4,759 refugees who had been repatriated and the 264,078 refugees who had been resettled. The reductions, however, were offset by 195,950 new registrations, many of which came as a result of the announcement of the cut-off date for new applications for assistance (August 31, 1949). Mr. Kingsley reported that the resettlement program had not progressed as rapidly as had been expected and that final figures had fallen short of the estimated 343,000 because: western Europe which had absorbed large numbers in the past was unable to accept any further large labor resettlement; the volume of visa issuance for the United States had declined; and the anticipated curtailment of the Australian scheme for resettlement had become a reality in the last quarter of the year. The Director-General made a supplementary report on August 30, 1950 in which he stated it was impossible for IRO to complete its work by March 31, 1951 and noted that the amended United States Displaced Persons Act had expanded resettlement opportunities by providing approximately 140,000 openings and admission to 54,000 Volkesdeutsche (persons of Germanic ethnic origin). At the request of the United States Displaced Persons Commission, IRO had undertaken to transport the Volkesdeutsche group to the United States on a reimbursable basis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-197
Author(s):  
Augusto Machado Rocha

Through an oral and visual history archive, we sought to develop an analysis regarding the period of school segregation in the United States, as well as the moment known as “integration”. Drawing on the experiences recorded in The David and Barbara Pryor Center for Arkansas Oral and Visual History, an analysis based on the memories of the period of overcoming segregation in the school context was developed. Our focus was on the perception of the persistence of prejudice as a factor that harms the learning process, as was observed in Terrence Roberts’ speech. The orientation of the work within the sphere of public history aims to show how people simultaneously experience a conflicting situation and the problem of abandoning the past, bearing in mind the continuity of the issues faced and which need to be reestablished.


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