Institusionalisasi Ajaran Tasawuf dalam Gerakan Tarekat

TAJDID ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Santosa Irfaan

This article examines the process of institutionalizing Sufism into a movement or organization of tarekat. Through a study of relevant literature, it was found that the tarekat (tharîqah) as a part of Sufism (Islamic mysticism) has developed since the 13th century, not long after the Mongolian armies conquered and destroyed Baghdad, Iraq. In its history, there have been internal excessive behaviours among the followers. Fortunately, tharîqah in some places and periods has encouraged people to be more or less innovators in struggling to fight the colonial power embracing different religions and also the Moslem people, as their protests, having cooperation with the former, the colonial power. After the Independence of Indonesia, some tharîqah activists in their articulation of political activities became functionaries of political parties. To them, power or authority was not their political barometer. It was only a means or medium of da’wah, the basic characteristics of Islam.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Todd Graham ◽  
Julia Schwanholz

Digital transformation changes the relationship between citizens and politics. The observation of this nexus is highly relevant for representative democracy. After the successful 2008 Obama campaign, a vast body of research that explores how and why politicians use social media has emerged. However, we still know very little about how social media are being adopted and used in-between elections, and still less yet about what this means for political representation. Therefore, this special issue brings together innovative research that focuses on how the use of social media is impacting upon the relationship between politicians and political parties, and citizens. First, we discuss some pros and cons of this transformation in the context of the relevant literature and, especially, in relation to Stephen Coleman’s concept of ‘direct representation’. Finally, we discuss the findings and merits of the contributions and what the issue adds to our understanding of the phenomenon to the state of research.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 741-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Md. Awal Hossain Mollah ◽  
Rawnak Jahan

Purpose This paper aims to examine the 10th national election held on 5 January 2014, and the violent incidents took place during, before and after the election in Bangladesh. Violence-free competitive, fair and credible national election is a prioritized issue in the politics and governance discourse in Bangladesh now. In this paper, relevant literature has been reviewed first for conceptual understanding, Then, the paper investigates to explore the causes and outcomes of violence took place centering the 10th parliamentary election in Bangladesh. Finally, it prescribes possible ways forward to overcome this crisis. Design/methodology/approach The paper is descriptive and qualitative in nature and based on secondary sources of materials. As it focused on a particular country and issue relating to the electoral violence of a particular national election in Bangladesh, it is a case study too. Most of the information and data have been used from published documents like journal articles, books and newspaper reports. Relevant information collected also from online sources. Findings The electoral violence may happen for various causes, yet the significant cause is the motive of the incumbent for picking up power over and again. Similarly, lack of cooperation of political parties, negligence and domination of ruling parties over opposition are also responsible for electoral and political violence before, during and after the election. In addition, violation of human rights, rule of law and, finally, the poor governance of Bangladesh are because of the lack of meaningful democratic government, strong political will and consensus among all political parties. Research limitations/implications The main limitation of this research is the lack of financial supports to collect empirical data from concerned stakeholders through field visit. Practical implications The paper deals with an urgent issue of Bangladesh which is essential for a free, fair and credible election. To make the EC an independent institute, a law should be enacted for recruitment of Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and other commissioners of EC as per Article 118(1) of Bangladesh Constitution. To find out neutral and impartial CEC and other members of EC, a search committee is very essential, and for constituting a search committee, a law also should be enacted by the Parliament. Therefore, it would be very helpful for electoral and legal reform to overcome the problem of electoral violence in Bangladesh. Social implications The findings of this paper will be accepted by the readers, scholars and policymakers. A radical change will come to the politics and governance of Bangladesh. Thus, the paper would be beneficial for the society and community people as well as citizens of Bangladesh. Originality/value The paper would be helpful for policymakers to revamp the existing drawback of electoral policies and practice in Bangladesh. For a meaningful and effective Parliament, it would be necessary. The paper would be essential for the future scholars and researchers of this area to use as reference. Finally, the academicians and readers will find their food in the field of politics, administration and governance.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotte Glow

It has been said that the Civil War was won by committees. Recent writers on this subject have begun to show how parliamentary policy and its execution was forged in the committee chambers rather than on the crowded floor of the House of Commons. This article is concerned with the personnel of these committees, in particular with those men who were not famous for their political activities and attitudes. Obviously, a core of leaders was needed in order to direct the business of the committees, to give continuity to their proceedings and to ensure that their work was in accord with the policy of the Commons. But the political ‘parties’ were relatively small, and with all the enthusiasm in the world their members could not attend personally to all aspects of government, civil and military. This study is concerned with the men who had no known political views but who contributed a great deal of time and effort to the running of parliamentary affairs. Because of their relative obscurity in the House it will be useful to ask why they were chosen to serve on certain committees, how their background and activity compared with that of their more ‘political’ colleagues, and how they reacted to situations where they were required to take a political stand. Above all, it will be possible to judge whether these men formed a coherent group rather than a random collection of individuals. These men owed their positions to their administrative skill rather than to their political affiliations. As administrators they were responsible to the legislature, and during a time of intensified state intervention, they became analogous to a non-political civil service, ready to execute the policy decisions of the party leaders.


1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 766-776 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles R. Adrian

Out of the middle-class businessman's “Efficiency and Economy Movement” that reached full strength in the second decade of the twentieth century came a series of innovations designed to place government “on a business basis” and to weaken the power of the political parties. The movement was inspired both by the example of the success of the corporate structure in trade and industry and by revulsion against the low standards of morality to be found in many sectors of political party activity around the turn of the century. The contemporary brand of politician had recently been exposed by the “muck-rakers” and the prestige of the parties had reached a very low level.Of the numerous ideas and mechanisms adopted as a result of the reform movement, one of the most unusual was that of election without party designation. Early in the twentieth century, under the theory that judges are neutral referees, not political officers, and that political activities should therefore be discouraged in the choosing of them, many communities initiated “nonpartisan” elections (the term that is usually applied) in the balloting for judicial posts.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 987
Author(s):  
Ljubica Milosavljević

The paper represents an attempt to address the issue of ways in which the political potential of the retired population is constructed. This process can be divided into two distinct periods. The first started with the introduction of the multiparty system, when the political potential of pensioners was imbedded into the activities of the Socialist Party of Serbia which had been in power at the time. This indicates the failure of political parties of pensioners to construct the issue of retirees as a political, or broader social issue. The second period is characterized by the loss of influence of the SPS after the political changes of 2000, after which the Party of United Pensioners of Serbia (PUPS) was formed, in 2005, as an independent political organization. This party, finally, succeeded in constructing the political potential of pensioners as a resource, but it did so with the help of coalition partners among which the regenerated SPS is a major one, a fact which means that the process of construction continues relentlessly. The construed resource, for the political activities of the party as well as for the oldest part of society or pensioners as potential voters, is one of the major indicators of old age as a social issue in the "arena" it shares with other social issues.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Saidatou Dicko

Corporate political activities can bring genuine political capital to firms and are an effective way to access key resources to boost financial capital and maximize profits. These activities fall into three categories: coopting ex-politicians to decision-making bodies (board of directors and top management) to benefit from their social capital; lobbying to directly influence public policy; and making financial contributions to the activities of political parties and committees. This study asks the following question: what is the combined effect of two of these activities (political connections and lobbying) on the financial and accounting indicators of Canadian listed companies? We argue that engaging in corporate political activities allows firms to accumulate a type of political capital that we define as the sum of all political activities conducted by an individual company. To perform our research, we analyzed Canadian companies listed on the S&P/TSX composite index from 2012 through 2016. Results show that firms with this type of political capital are generally in a better financial position than those without it. A significant correlation was found between a firm’s political capital and its main sources of financing (equity and long-term debt) as well as with its ROE. Political capital has more positive impacts on key firm financial indicators than does each type of political activity on its own (synergistic effect).


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 267-287
Author(s):  
Laura Cervi ◽  
Santiago Tejedor ◽  
Carles Marín Lladó

Introduction: Political parties struggle to reconnect to Young people by using social networks. Acknowledging that 2020 has been the year of TikTok, most Spanish political parties have joined this social network: Podemos, with 191.400 followers and 3.1 million likes, is the most followed political party on this platform. Method: Using multimodal content analysis, this paper aims at analyzing how the party is using this social network, and for which purposes, placing the attention on how Podemos has adapted to TikTok specificities in terms of both language and technical affordances. Results: Results show that while the party perfectly adapts to TikTok’s specific language and technical affordances (special effects, etc.), instead of focusing on entertainment, the platform’s main genre, it uses TikTok as a showcase for political activities, failing in favoring a renovating relationship with users. However, politics is represented through the “game frame”, that is to say, dramatized as a battlefield between Good and Evil, which strengthens the populist dichotomous vision of the world, endorsing emotional response. Conclusion: In this sense, it is possible to conclude that, although Podemos mainly displays political content, this content falls into the category of politainment. Considering that present trends in usage rates suggest that the short-video format is the future of social media, we might expect an increase in politainmement content.


Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

With the help of social survey data, we investigate educational differences in political participation. We look at a range of political activities: spectator activities, voting, membership of political parties, and non-electoral activities, such as signing petitions and joining demonstrations, boycotts and buycotts. Also, we investigate new forms of political engagement, such as internet activism and participation in deliberative settings. Educational differences are manifest in almost all forms of political activity. But for some forms, especially the newer ones, the gap is larger than for others. The well-educated are not only over-represented in numbers; they also are more active, on average, than those with lesser educational qualifications. The more demanding the act of participation is, the more likely it is it will be disproportionately engaged in by higher educated citizens.


Author(s):  
Younes Alaoui Mdaghri

AbstractShajarat al-kawn, (The Tree of the Universe) is a beautiful short treatise on Islamic mysticism that describes the universe and its true origin, the role and place of Prophet Muhammad (peace be on him), and his central place in the sacred presence. According to some manuscripts from the 19th century (13th century A.H.), it is attributed to Muhyī d- Dīn Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638 A.H./1240) . All scholars endorsed this attribution and it was conveyed via fifteen commercial book-prints.The study by Arabic scholars and orientalists and some translations led to doubt about the origin of the treatise. This was the start of an adventure because what was supposed to be known up to now would become questioned.During my research, I scrutinised two different unknown manuscripts of Shajarat alkawn. There was also a third, very old, manuscript written in the year 835 A.H. All these manuscripts refer to the author and poet ‘Izzu d-Dīn ‘Abd as-Salām Ibn Aḥmad Ibn Ghānim al-Maqdisī (d.678 A.H./1280) and not to Ibn ‘Arabī.Furthermore, I found some proof in the biographical history and the style of writing that pointed to Ibn Ghānim as the author. I came to the conclusion that the work was actually written by ‘Izzu d-Dīn ‘Abd as‐Salām Ibn Aḥmad Ibn Ghānim. From the results of my research, we can conclude that the book Shajarat al-kawn is by Ibn Ghānim and not Ibn ‘Arabī.This study consists of two parts. The first is: How did this treatise, Shajarat al-kawn, come to be universally attributed to Ibn ‘Arabī? The second is a discussion of the doubts that the treatise Shajarat al-kawn was written by Ibn ‘Arabī. This discussion consists of four topics: 1) the problem of copying manuscripts attributed to Ibn ‘Arabī, 2) the catalogues that attributed Shajarat al-kawn to Ibn ‘Arabī, 3) comparison of the text of the Shajarat al-kawn in both content and format with Ibn ‘Arabī and Ibn Ghānim, and 4) the studies and translations of the Shajarat al-kawn attributed to Ibn ‘Arabī.”


2021 ◽  

Between the High Middle Ages and 1806, much of Central Europe was encompassed by an entity called the Holy Roman Empire (Heiliges Römisches Reich in the German spoken by most of its inhabitants). The polity’s name derived from the claims of its rulers—elected as “kings of the Romans” and sometimes subsequently crowned “Roman emperors”—to be successors of Charlemagne and ultimately of antique Rome, and to be the defenders of the Catholic Church and Christendom. Debates continue about when exactly the “Holy Roman Empire” began. Both the 9th-century Carolingian and 10th-century Ottonian realms are contenders, although the Latin term sacrum Romanum imperium did not gain widespread currency until the 13th century. In the period c. 1300–1650, the focus of this bibliography, the Empire exhibited important differences from most other realms in Europe, notably in its elective system of monarchical succession, its residual claim to universal authority (to be co-exercised, in theory, with the papacy), and its exceptional fragmentation among increasingly autonomous principalities, bishoprics, lordships, and cities (often called “territories”). It also notionally housed emerging polities in their own right, such as the Swiss Confederation and the kingdom of Bohemia; their relationship with the premodern Reich remains a contentious historiographical issue. At the same time, it shared some basic characteristics with neighboring kingdoms, being a monarchy that governed in concert with an aristocratic community of estates at emerging representative institutions (the diets, or Reichstage, as they were known by around 1500), and a polity that came increasingly to be identified with a national community (the deutsche Nation). Recent decades have therefore seen lively debates about how the Empire ought to be defined and categorized, and how its “constitution” (Reichsverfassung)—or, in another idiom, its political culture—operated. While several ambitious long-term histories of the Holy Roman Empire have attempted to synthesize the unwieldy evidence, it is important to keep in mind the challenges of generalizing about such a large entity over many centuries. As well as exhibiting considerable diversity across space, the Empire changed substantially over time in several respects. A phase of dynastic competition in high politics before 1437 gave way to a near-monopoly of control over the imperial office by the Habsburgs thereafter. A “monistic” imperial government, theoretically coordinated top-down by monarchs, developed into a “dualistic” conception of power in which the imperial estates shared in governance via collective institutions. In some regions, a landscape of utterly fragmented and intertwined jurisdictions held by myriad competing actors was gradually replaced by more clearly defined and centralized territories arranged hierarchically under princely families. Finally, the division of the estates between Catholics and various Protestant confessions in the course of the 16th and early 17th centuries contributed both to calamitous conflict (the Thirty Years’ War) and to the reshaping of the imperial constitution to manage the new confessional configuration (the 1555 “Religious and Profane Peace” of Augsburg, the 1648 Treaty of Osnabrück). The long and rich tradition of regional history (Landesgeschichte) in the German-speaking lands has enabled these changes to be studied at the local as well as the central level, and recent scholarship has made clear that both perspectives are indispensable to understanding the Holy Roman Empire’s complex structures and dynamics.


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