scholarly journals Memahami Identitas : Studi Kasus Identitas Agama Orang Baduy di Kabupaten Lebak (Analisis Politik Praktis Terhadap Identitas Suku Baduy)

ijd-demos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peri Irawan ◽  
Shidna Aisya Lessy

AbstractThe Baduy community's adherence to pikukuh karuhun (customary rules), especially the inner Baduy in Lebak Regency, Banten Province, uses a representation system, which is represented by Puun (customary leader). Representative democracy is based on the results of a predetermined deliberation. The Baduy do not have close ties to political parties and other public officials. The Baduy community prioritizes and attaches importance to pikukuh karuhun and tribal unity so that there are no divisions caused by political interests. The Baduy do not refuse democracy, but there are only limits with pikukuh karuhun that cannot be violated and must be preserved. This study aims to understand the reality that occurs to the Baduy community in the election process starting from voting activities, the adaptation process which is very different from the Baduy tribe, an understanding of the rights and obligations in elections and the differences in structure and reality from outside the Baduy tribe. Keywords: subcultural society, phenomenology, political reality. AbstrakKetaatan masyarakat Baduy terhadap pikukuh karuhun (aturan adat) terutama Baduy dalam di Kabupaten Lebak Provinsi Banten yang menggunakan sistem keterwakilan, yang diwakili oleh Puun (Pimpinan adat). Demokrasi keterwakilan tersebut berdasarkan hasil musyawarah yang telah ditentukan sebelumnya. Suku Baduy tidak memiliki kedekatan dengan partai politik dan pejabat publik lainnya. Masyarakat Baduy lebih mengedepankan dan mementingkan pikukuh karuhun dan persatuan suku agar tidak terjadi perpecahan yang diakibatkan kerana kepentingan politik. Suku Baduy tidak menolak untuk berdemokrasi, namun saja hanya terdapat batasan dengan pikukuh karuhun yang tidak boleh dilanggar dan harus tetap dilestarikan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memahami realitas yang terjadi terhadap masyarakat Baduy dalam proses pemilu mulai dari kegiatan pencoblosan, proses adaptasi yang sangat berbeda dengan suku Baduy, pemahaman tentang hak dan kewajiban dalam pemilu dan perbedaan struktur dan realitas dari luar suku Baduy. Kata kunci : masyarakat subkultural, fenomenologi, realitas politik.            

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-212
Author(s):  
Thomas Kliegel

Public Officials are bound by the fundamental rights when they are acting in their political function. Acting as such they cannot, in general, claim the freedom of speech for themselves as normal citizens do. If they give statements regarding other political parties they have to abide by the principle of neutrality. Statements that could be understood as negative will be — especially if they are made during the election process — a violation of the right of political parties to equal opportunity, which is an indispensable element of the free and open process of forming popular opinion. The delineation of whether a public official is appearing as such, as a “party politician” or “private individual” can, however, be difficult and it is the obligation of the public official to leave no doubt about the role he is exercising. Different from any other public official the Federal President needs not comply with the principle of neutrality. He has a broad margin of assessment and only transgresses his legal boundaries if he violates the integrative task of his office in an arbitrary manner.


Author(s):  
Óscar Sánchez Muñoz

El libro de Pérez-Moneo es la obra más completa publicada en español sobre uno de los temas candentes de la democracia representativa actual: la selección de los candidatos electorales por los partidos políticos. El autor aborda el tema desde una visión crítica de la realidad política española y propone múltiples cambios legislativos con el fin de lograr un mejor cumplimiento del mandato constitucional de democracia interna de los partidos políticos.Pérez-Moneo’s book is the most complete work published in Spanish about one of the burning issues of the representative democracy nowadays: the selection of the electoral candidates by the political parties. The author deals with the subject from a critical vision of the Spanish political reality and proposes many legislative changes in order to achieve a better observance of the constitutional provisions about the internal democracy of the political parties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sholehudin Zuhri

Dalam perkembangan politik hukum kontemporer, keputusan politik dalam pembentukan regulasi sering dihadapkan pada dua persoalan sekaligus yang saling berhadapan. Konfigurasi politik dalam pembentukan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017, partai politik di parlemen tidak hanya merepresentasikan kepentingan politiknya, tetapi juga dihadapkan pada keharusan mengakomodir putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sebagai koreksi keputusan politik yang otoriter. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan metode kualitatif, studi ini menitikberatkan pada pemahaman komprehensif yang meliputi interaksi politik dan hukum dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik hukum pemilu. Hasil studi ini dapat menjelaskan kepatuhan partai politik terhadap hukum dalam menciptakan konfigurasi politik di parlemen, namun di sisi lainnya lemahnya partai politik dalam membangun koalisi dalam mewujudkan sistem pemilu demokratis justru menjadikan keputusan politik yang dipilih menjadi otoriter dalam pelaksana teknisnya. Kehadiran hukum dalam perkembangan konfigurasi politik kontemporer, dapat menjadi paradigma baru dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik demokratis yang pada akhirnya terbentuknya hukum pemilu yang demokratis.In the development of contemporary political laws, political decisions in regulatory formation are often confronted with two issues at once facing each other. The political configuration in the Law No. 7 year 2017, political parties in parliament not only represent political interests but also face the necessity to accommodate the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/ PUU-XI/2013 as a correction of authoritarian political decisions. This research is normative juridical research with qualitative method. The results of this study can explain the compliance of political parties to the law in creating the political configuration in parliament. Yet on the other hand, the weakness of political parties in building coalitions in realizing the democratic election system makes the selected political decision become authoritarian in its technical execution. The presence of law in the development of contemporary political configuration can be a new paradigm in creating democratic political configuration which ultimately the formation of democratic law of elections.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-158
Author(s):  
Erindi Bejko

Abstract Political parties in Albania on several occasions during the past two decades have won the election in certain areas over 3 times in a row. While victory and governance of the same area, for sure creates a margin consumption which has affected the dynamics of the bastions at least in the recent national election. Parties are consumed in their strongholds if they decide the same candidates, either as a political force. In the focus of this article, will be the consuming steps of political parties in their stronghold areas, either reflecting the fall results during the election process. Will we have a final rupture in Albania consumption bastions of political parties and how would be the future of dynamic bastion, will be the question of this article scientific research. A fracture would have strongholds in shqipare perfuindimtare the consumption of political parties and how will be the future of dynamics will be bastions of this artikulil question scientific research. Bastion’s consumption occurs mainly from major political forces on the left if either of right on the study will be taken 4 constituencies which voted for the same party in three elections one by one. In our focus will be general elections, not local elections.


Author(s):  
Peter Smuk

<p>La regulación de los partidos políticos parece un tema ligeramente descuidado en la literatura constitucional húngara. Así, a pesar de que hay un gran número de cuestiones que deben analizarse y entenderse en los ámbitos de la democracia representativa, en el sistema electoral y en la financiación de los partidos, derivadas de las particularidades del cambio del régimen político, y que hace necesaria la interpretación de nuestro sistema político actual. Un análisis sustantivo de estas cuestiones en términos de derecho constitucional (y desde las ciencias políticas) podría contribuir a una mejor comprensión de la democracia representativa húngara, el estado constitucional, así como la relación entre la sociedad civil y el Estado. En este documento voy a ofrecer una visión general de las normas constitucionales relativas a los partidos políticos europeos y comparar la redacción de la Ley Fundamental de Hungría con las normas constitucionales creadas en 1989.</p><p>The regulation of political parties seems a slightly neglected topic in the Hungarian constitutional literature. It is so despite the fact that there are a large number of questions to be analysed and understood in the fields of representative democracy, election system and party financing arising from the particularities of the change of the political regime, the recent constitution-making or the necessary interpretation of our current political system. A substantive analysis of these questions in terms of constitutional law (and political science) could contribute to a better understanding of the Hungarian representative democracy, constitutional state as well as the relationship between civil society and the state. In this paper I will provide a rough overview of constitutional rules relating to European political parties and compare the wording of the Fundamental Law of Hungary with the constitutional rules created in 1989.</p><div> </div>


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 253-264
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zubair ◽  
Syed Imran Haider ◽  
Farhana Khattak

Gender equality and the elimination of violence against women has been taken a high priority on the international development agenda. Pakistan has introduced different laws from time to time for the safety and protection of women across the country including the different provinces. The paper analyzed pro-women and girl laws in the provinces of Sindh and tried to find out the barriers in the implementation of such laws. The major barriers found include the structural barriers at the level of judicial, police and the system of prosecution. In addition, the socio-cultural normative structure of society is strongly patriarchal. The political interests of different leaders, as well as political parties, also get the issue of implementation compromised.


Author(s):  
Cristiano Gianolla

Representative democracy is currenty facing strong social criticism for its incapacity to envolve people in a way that makes them part of the decision-making process. An existing gap between the representatives and the represented is hereby emphasized. In this space, the role of political parties is central in order to bridge society with institutions. How much are parties concerned about this issue? How and in which context do they interact more with their electorate and the wider society? Participatory democracy is emerging throughout the world in different forms and with different results, but the dominant pattern of democracy remains the liberal western democratic paradigm in which people can contribute barely through electing candidates. In order to achieve what Boaventura de Sousa Santos calls ‘democratisation of democracy’ the role of political parties is therefore fundamental in particular to achieve a more participative democracy within the representative model. This article approaches this theme through a bibliographic review comparing social movements and political parties with a focus on the innovation of the Five Star Movement in Italy. Finally, it provides a reading of the relationship between political parties andparticipation, including good practice and perspectives.KEYWORDS: Participation, political parties, social movements, political movements, representative democracy, participatory democracy.


Author(s):  
Isser Woloch

This chapter uses the 1940s—the Resistance, the Liberation, the post-war moment—as a vantage point for looking back at the French Revolution’s projects of representative democracy, decentralization, and recentralization. Among other things it considers the initial re-division of the national territory, changing administrative structures, the uses of elections, the strictures against political parties, and the permutations on these matters across successive post-revolutionary regimes. A final section offers a more conventional chronological account, from 1789 onward, of one of the Revolution’s most consequential innovations: systematic military conscription.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein

In addition to summarizing the book’s main themes as described, this Introduction places special emphasis on connecting the problem animating the book—the apparent incapacity of contemporary parties to mediate between citizens and the state—to current political developments in established Western democracies, showing that the issues the book addresses are not only of academic interest but also directly relevant to ongoing public debates about the state and health of representative democracy. Chief amongst the themes foregrounded here is the rise of so-called ‘populist’ parties on the left and right of the political spectrum, as well as the re-branding of established political actors as ‘movements’ (think, e.g. of Emmanuel Macron’s La République en Marche). These phenomena are interpreted as part of a larger ‘revolt against intermediary bodies’—meaning first and foremost a rebellion against political parties. The Introduction suggests that this ‘revolt’ brings with it only a temporary shift in how representative politics looks, without actually reversing the disconnect between parties and voters or compelling established political parties to give up their privileges and de-colonize the institutions of the state. This argument sets the stage for the book’s core contention that more thought has to be put into finding ways to reconnect political parties with society.


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