Images of Baetica. The ambivalent hispanic reception of Les Aventures de Télémaque

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 013
Author(s):  
José María Iñurritegui Rodríguez

In a crucial passage of Les Aventures de Télémaque, Fénelon identified Baetica with a form of sociability highly reminiscent of the Golden Age. Destined to leave a deep and controversial mark in the political and moral debates throughout the 18th century, that evocative image of the most elevated status of a material civilization removed from and impervious to luxury, the spirit of conquest and the logic of despotism, also mobilized the reflexive capacities characteristic of the Hispanic cultural order. In a steady and lengthy sequenced, analysed in the light of the corresponding epistemological uncertainties, of the morality of luxury, or of enquiry into origins, Fénelon’s Baetica was the object in Hispanic literature of very diverse and even contradictory readings. A diversity that illustrates the complexity and volatility of the relationship established at the time by that cultural order with the intellectual approaches disseminated and projected from the République des lettres.

Author(s):  
Ali M. Ansari

‘Iran and the West’ charts the relationship between Iran and the West beginning in the 16th and 17th centuries with increased contact with Western rulers eager to secure both economic opportunities and political advantage. In the 18th century, as Europe embarked on Enlightenment and scientific revolution, Iran entered a period of prolonged political and economic turmoil—the collapse of the Safavid state and then the rise of the Qajar dynasty. The Constitutional Revolution of 1906 profoundly altered the political and social direction of the country and laid the foundations for much that was to follow. Twentieth-century politics and the profound effects of the 1979 Islamic Revolution are also described.


2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-158
Author(s):  
Dragana Jeremic-Molnar ◽  
Aleksandar Molnar

In the article the authors are examining three positions within the 18th Century aesthetic discussion on the sublime - Edmund Burke's, Immanuel Kant's and Friedrich Schiller's. They are also trying to reconstruct the political backgrounds of each of this theoretical positions: old regime conservatism (Burke), republican liberalism (Schiller) and romantic longing for the 'third way' (Kant). The most sophisticated and mature theory of sublime is found in Schiller's aesthetic works, especially in those following his disappointment in French Revolution, in which the relationship between sublime and paradoxes of historical violence is most thoroughly reflected.


2019 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 255-276
Author(s):  
Stefan Schreckenberg

Speaking of a ›Golden Age‹ or a Siglo de Oro in reference to Spanish history, culture and literature transforms an ancient myth into a historiographical concept, which seems rather problematical, even contradictory, and at the same time, seen in a wider European context, exceptional. Nevertheless, the Siglo de Oro is still being used not only as a key term in contemporary academic works – inside and outside Spain – on the Early Modern period, but also as a highly controversial idea in political and ideological debates, especially on behalf of what may or may not be Spanish identity. This article seeks to give a brief overview of the discussions that try to define the concept of the Siglo de Oro and to present the literary canon as well as the ideological implications linked to it. Starting in the aftermath of the epoch itself, in other words the 18th century, it focuses on the convergence of the political and aesthetical discussions that oppose the ›Two Spains‹ during the 20th century in terms of how to choose and interpret their ›classics‹. Finally, it tries to give a (necessarily incomplete) view on the actual situation, where the Golden Age myth still interferes not only in literary but also in socio-political debates.


Author(s):  
Ann Brooks

This chapter examines the relationship between gender and the politics of the public sphere. The bluestockings were instrumental in framing a set of literary and political discourses that opened the door for a range of political movements where women occupied leading positions, including the Bloomsbury Group and the suffrage movement. The chapter then distinguishes between two forms of public sphere. The first is the world of letters, where ‘privatized individuals in their capacity as human beings communicated through critical debate’. The second form is the political realm, where ‘private people in their capacity as owners of commodities communicated through rational-critical debate’. Despite the significance of women writers within the public sphere through elite groupings such as the bluestockings, their role was still limited. While the bluestockings were actively involved in literary and political debates, their distance from the political sphere highlights the gendered character of the 18th-century public sphere.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


Author(s):  
Emma Simone

Virginia Woolf and Being-in-the-world: A Heideggerian Study explores Woolf’s treatment of the relationship between self and world from a phenomenological-existential perspective. This study presents a timely and compelling interpretation of Virginia Woolf’s textual treatment of the relationship between self and world from the perspective of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Drawing on Woolf’s novels, essays, reviews, letters, diary entries, short stories, and memoirs, the book explores the political and the ontological, as the individual’s connection to the world comes to be defined by an involvement and engagement that is always already situated within a particular physical, societal, and historical context. Emma Simone argues that at the heart of what it means to be an individual making his or her way in the world, the perspectives of Woolf and Heidegger are founded upon certain shared concerns, including the sustained critique of Cartesian dualism, particularly the resultant binary oppositions of subject and object, and self and Other; the understanding that the individual is a temporal being; an emphasis upon intersubjective relations insofar as Being-in-the-world is defined by Being-with-Others; and a consistent emphasis upon average everydayness as both determinative and representative of the individual’s relationship to and with the world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-354
Author(s):  
Zach Bates

Due to its status as a territory under the joint rule of Egypt and Britain, the Sudan occupied an awkward place in the British Empire. Because of this, it has not received much attention from scholars. In theory, it was not a colony, but, in practice, the Sudan was ruled primarily by British administrators and was the site of several developmental schemes, most of which concerned cotton-growing and harnessing the waters of the Nile. It was also the site of popular literature, travelogues and the most well-known of Alexander Korda's empire films. This article focuses on five British films –  Cotton Growing in the Sudan (c.1925), Stark Nature (1930), Stampede (1930), The Four Feathers (1939) and They Planted a Stone (1953) – that take the Sudan as their subject. It argues that each of these films shows an evolving and related discourse of the region that embraced several motifs: cooperation as the foundation of the relationship between the Sudanese and the British; Sudanese peoples in conflict with a sometimes hostile landscape and environment that the British could ‘tame’; and the British being in the Sudan in order to improve it and its people before leaving them to self-government. However, some of the films, especially The Four Feathers, subtly questioned and subverted the British presence in the Sudan and engaged with a number of the political questions not overtly mentioned in documentaries. The article, therefore, argues for a nuanced and complex picture of representations of the Sudan in British film from 1925 to 1953.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.


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