scholarly journals Protecting the Religion (Maqsad Hifz al-Din) In Malaysian Political Islam: A Preliminary Analysis

ICR Journal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 370-398
Author(s):  
Wan Naim Wan Mansor
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Colonial Legacy ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Real World Applications ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Muslim Minorities ◽  
Religious Considerations

After inheriting a multicultural yet segmented society from its colonial legacy, identity politics has heavily influenced political Islam in Malaysia. Since then, identity politics has significantly shaped Malaysia's political dynamics, including in the bureaucratic and legal spheres. The Islamism espoused by the Malay Muslim majority is often intertwined with exclusivist ethno-religious considerations vis-a-vis the non-Muslim minorities (the Chinese and Indians). One of the most frequent manifestations of this political platform is the slogan ‘protecting Islam’ or ‘protecting religion’. This notion often finds itself at the centre of the Islamist discourse, especially in high-profile religious cases involving Muslims and non-Muslims. This paper intends to provide a descriptive analysis of ‘protecting Islam’ in the Malaysian context while also identifying key elements in its inner-workings. It will then proceed with a discussion of maqsad hifz al-din (the objective to preserve religion), a sub-topic in the overarching field of maqasid al-sharicah. This discussion will examine how this notion is understood within the Malaysian context, while also asking what the Shari’ah says about it, and what the gaps are between the two positions. Finally, the article will propose a theoretical framework for achieving an optimal Shari'ah-based policy response to the issues discussed. Possible real world applications in the Malaysian experience will also be explored.

scholarly journals Islam in Southeast Asia

2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-118
Author(s):  
Timothy P. Daniels
Keyword(s):  
Political Islam ◽  
Religious Studies ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
History Of ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Post September 11 ◽  
Muslim Minorities ◽  
The Impact

This book is a revised version of the proceedings of a conference of the sametitle held in Singapore during 2002. The papers comprising this highly relevantand timely text cover topics from the history of Islam in Southeast Asiato Islamic doctrine, politics, civil society, gender, modernization, globalization,and the impact of 9/11. However, Islam and politics are the centralthemes, with special attention given to the challenges of the recent contextfor Southeast Asia’s Muslim-majority societies. As such, it is of interest toscholars of diverse fields, including history, political science, internationalrelations, religious studies, sociology, and anthropology.The introduction, “Understanding Political Islam Post-September 11,”criticizes the inequality and militarism of western-dominated globalizationand the violent responses of political Islam or radical Islamism. Clear definitionsof these pivotal terms used throughout the collection would sharpen theargument about the particular kind of political uses of Islam that the authorsview as a threat. The editors provide an adequate and enticing overview ofthis interesting collection of papers. However, it would be helpful toacknowledge that they focus on Malaysia and Indonesia, with the exceptionof one paper on the Philippines. Addressing the situation of Muslim minorities in the mainland Southeast Asian countries of Burma/Myanmar,Cambodia, Thailand, and Vietnam, where they live under the hegemony ofBuddhist or communist majorities, would add an important comparativedimension ...

Islam and Economic Development: The Case of Non-Muslim Minorities in the Middle East and North Africa

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamed Saleh
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Economic History ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Absolute Number ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Muslim Minorities

This chapter investigates a long-standing puzzle in the economic history of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: why do MENA’s native non-Muslim minorities have better socioeconomic (SES) outcomes than the Muslim majority, both historically and today? Focusing on the case of Coptic Christians in Egypt, the largest non-Muslim minority in absolute number in the region, and employing a wide range of novel archival data sources, the chapter argues that Copts’ superior SES can be explained neither by Islam’s negative impact on Muslims’ SES (where Islam is defined as a set of beliefs or institutions) nor by colonization’s preferential treatment of Copts. Instead, the chapter traces the phenomenon to self-selection on SES during Egypt’s historical conversion from Coptic Christianity to Islam in the aftermath of the Arab Conquest of the then-Coptic Egypt in 641 CE. The argument is that the regressivity-in-income of the poll tax on non-Muslims (initially all Egyptians) that was imposed continuously from 641 to 1856 led to the shrinkage of (non-convert) Copts into a better-off minority. The Coptic-Muslim SES gap then persisted due to group restrictions on access to white-collar and artisanal skills. The chapter opens new areas of research on non-Muslim minorities in the MENA region and beyond.

scholarly journals Descriptive representation and political participation

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-70
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin ◽  
Petr Čermák
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Post Conflict

The series of ethnic conflicts in the Western Balkans over the 1990s in- volved primarily the constituent nations of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks, and later, Albanians and Macedonians. Ethnic violence has equally affected other numerically smaller groups residing in the geo- graphic areas affected by conflict between the dominant, de facto state-founding ethnic groups. The paper investigates the continuous importance of ethnic identity for political participation of non-dominant groups affected by the ethno-political dynamics of dominant groups in post-conflict Croatia. Analyses of the political mobilisation of non-dominant groups in regions previously affected by conflict offer evidence that their ethno-political mobilisation reflects the continuous importance of identity-politics in the context of highly ethnicised institutions ensuring political representation at national and municipal levels.

scholarly journals Teaching the Study of Muslim Minorities in Higher Education in the United Kingdom

2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 143-149
Author(s):  
Tahir Abbas
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Islamic Studies ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
Class 1 ◽  
The University ◽  
Muslim Minorities

In this paper, I reflect on my experiences of teaching sociology of Islam atan elite British university: the University of Birmingham. As a trained economistwith postgraduate degrees in social science and sociology and as a formerWhitehall civil servant, my foray into the world of Islamic studies hasonly been recent. Indeed, it was the events relating to British Muslimminorities between 1999 and 2001 (namely, the arrests, trial, and sentencingin relation to the mostly Birmingham-born “Seven in Yemen” in 1999; the9/11 attacks in New York and Washington, DC; and the urban disturbancesin northern England 2001) that propelled me to interact with this vast andrich field of learning and scholarship. These three events compounded mattersin relation to identity politics, Islamism, and international political economy.Having already researched and written on matters related to educationand class,1 entrepreneurship and culture,2 and Islamophobia and the printnews,3 my new focus on Muslim minority issues stemmed precisely frommy existing interests in ethnicity, culture, and multiculturalism.4Upon joining the University of Birmingham in 2003, I spent my first twoyears concentrating on teaching a specialized course, “Ethnic Relations inBritain,” to finalists. In 2005, I began to teach a new course, “Islam, Multiculturalism,and the State” to finalists. In this article, I discuss the resultinginsight into teaching to a largely non-Muslim audience issues relating toIslam and Muslim minorities ...

scholarly journals THE "CLASS" DISSENSION OF COLONIAL PERIOD IN SUNDANESE NOVELS: REVIEW OF IDENTITY POLITICS

LITERA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Asep Yusup Hudayat
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Postcolonial Studies ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Two Cultures ◽  
East Indies ◽  
The Two Cultures ◽  
Important Means ◽  
Dutch East Indies ◽  
Class Rights

The culture of feudalism and democracy in the Dutch East Indies agreed to oppose one another. The intersection of the two cultures is the perspective of indigenous and colonial identity which ultimately demands a struggle to demand its "class" rights. The struggle for narratives of power was inevitable. The first Sundanese novel Baruang ka nu Ngarora “Poison for the Youth” (1914) by D.K. Ardiwinata and Gogoda ka nu Ngarora “Temptations for the Youth”(1951) as a novel response from M.A. Salmun has shown these oppositional phenomena. This study aims to trace the struggle for narration that has implications for identity politics in the Dutch East Indies colonial period. The method used in this study is descriptive analysis from the perspective of postcolonial studies. From a postcolonial perspective, literary works have become an important means for tracking colonialism practices where the narratives of dominant and defensive forces are nested. The results of the analysis show that the narrative of class disagreement in Gogoda ka nu Ngarora is used as a motive for empowering the spirit of democracy, in Baruang ka nu Ngarora, is used as a motive for the assertion of partiality towards feudal culture. Through the spirit of democracy, the struggle for identity politics was built by M.A. Salmun in Gogoda ka nu Ngarora to rejects feudal ideologies. Through a feudal spirit, identity politics was built D.K. Ardiwinata in Baruang ka nu Ngarora to establishing class identity.Keywords: identity politics, class, native, colonialPERTENTANGAN "KELAS" PADA MASA KOLONIAL DALAM NOVEL SUNDA: TINJAUAN POLITIK IDENTITASAbstrak Budaya feodalisme dan budaya demokratis pada masa kolonial Hindia Belanda seringkali menunjukkan pertentangan satu dengan lainnya. Persinggungan kedua budaya tersebut dipengaruhi sudut pandang tentang identitas pribumi dan kolonial yang akhirnya memicu perjuangan menuntut hak-hak "kelas"-nya. Perebutan narasi kekuasaan pun tidak dapat dihindarkan. Novel Sunda pertama Baruang ka nu Ngarora (1914) karangan D.K. Ardiwinata dan novel sambutannya Gogoda ka nu Ngarora (1951) karangan M.A. Salmun telah menunjukkan fenomena-fenomena pertentangannya tersebut. Studi ini bertujuan menjejak perebutan narasi yang berimplikasi kepada upaya politik identitas pada masa kolonial Hindia Belanda. Metode yang digunakan dalam studi ini adalah deskriptif analisis dalam perspektif studi postkolonial. Berdasarkan perspektif postkolonial, karya sastra menjadi sarana penting untuk menjejak praktik kolonialisme tempat bersarangnya narasi-narasi kekuasaan dominan dan perlawanannya. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa narasi pertentangan kelas dalam Gogoda ka nu Ngarora digunakan sebagai motif pemberdayaan semangat demokrasi, dalam Baruang ka nu Ngarora digunakan sebagai motif penegas keberpihakan terhadap budaya feodal. Melalui semangat demokrasi, upaya politik identitas dibangun M.A. Salmun dalam Gogoda ka nu Ngarora untuk menolak ideologi-ideologi feodal. Melalui semangat feodal, politik identitas dibangun D.K. Ardiwinata dalam Baruang ka nu Ngarora untuk mengukuhkan identitas kelas.Kata kunci: politik identitas, kelas, pribumi, kolonial

scholarly journals Dinamika Politik Islam Semenanjung Arab 1800-1930 M dan Pengaruh Berdirinya Kerajaan Arab Saudi Modern terhadap Praktik Keagamaan

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-105
Author(s):  
Ihwan Agustono
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Arabian Peninsula ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Islamic Education ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
Holy Land ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Traditional Understanding

The article examines the dynamics of political Islam of the Arabian Peninsula in 1800-1930 and their influence to the foundation of the Modern Saudi Arabia Kingdom and their impact to religious practices in the Holy Land. The study is considered important due to the changing phenomenon of religious under-standing in the Holy Land. A new orthodox ideology has been able to change the well-established traditional understanding and become a dominant school until nowadays. The study concludes that: 1) Socio-political constellation of Hijaz before 19th century had been marked by the decrease of political supremacy of Hijaz along with far migration of the Islamic governmental center from Madinah; 2) One of the culminations of political dynamics of the Arabian Peninsula between 1800 and 1930 was the establishment of the Modern Saudi Arabia Kingdom; 3) Such political dynamics have subsequently resulted in the purification of Islamic sharî‘ah in accordance with the Wahabi’s doctrines, obliteration of the tradition of four maqâmât in Masjid al-H{arâm, conformation of Islamic education with the Wahabi’s dogmas, and the increase of orthodoxy and the decrease of popular Sufi’s credo.

scholarly journals Ideology and Representation of the Nation: Aggressor and Transgressor in Film Sarfarosh

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Qaisar Khan ◽  
Muhammad Ramzan Pahore
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Traumatic Event ◽  
Cultural Industry ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
Innocent People ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Religious Issues ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Muslim Minorities

This paper analyses the narrative of Bollywood film Sarfarosh which portrays the ethnic, cultural and religious issues between majority Hindu-minority and Muslim communities in India with projection of identifying politics between India and Pakistan. Further, it t reveals that Pakistan army constitutes spies who are behind the plot of cross border terrorism and supplies of arms through their local agents in the Indian state of Rajasthan. The agents and their activities are projected as the machineries that are firmly responsible for a series of havocs and killings of innocent people in the most of cities and towns within their reach. Through crafting the notions of national (in) securities, the film picks up an Urdu Ghazal singer, the Pakistani who migrated from Rajasthan during the partition of the subcontinent in 1947. The singer as a metaphor of terrorism often sings Ghazals among Indian dignitaries in the front of his weaponry smuggling to India. The paper finds out that the historical traumatic event of partition is used for posing the Muslim minorities, „Other? as cultural methodological device, whereas Pakistanis understood as extremely dangerous enemy of the Indian nation. The identity politics of the film results the conflicting ideologies of Hinduism and Islam. This is due to the cultural industry?s ideological apparatus for making strategies to manage and maximize the profits by seeking wider audiences through its well- established capitalist system. Bollywood cinematic apparatus should be cautious of essentialist form of nationalist narratives and the post partition conflicts should be avoided for authentic peaceful culturalsocial relationships between India and Pakistan.

Prejudice before Pride

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith L. Weiss
Keyword(s):  
The Philippines ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Global Trade ◽  
Evangelical Christian ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Dominant State ◽  
Muslim Majority

This chapter presents evidence for the so-called homophobic anticipatory countermovement, with reference primarily to Southeast Asian cases—particularly Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines—and considers the roots and implications of such a sequence. These cases are chosen for their proximity, which is useful for evaluating the extent of global and regional discursive circuits, but also for their diversity. Indonesia and Malaysia are both Muslim-majority states, but Indonesia today is far more democratic than Malaysia; the Philippines is a Catholic-majority democracy; while Singapore is a single-party-dominant state with important Muslim and evangelical Christian minorities. While all but prosperous Singapore are developing states, all are highly exposed to global trade, media, and other circuits. Moreover, all four states offer recent examples of high-profile homophobia, all with roots in Christian or Islamist discourse.

Fazlul Huq, Region and Religion in Bengal: The Forgotten Alternative of 1940–43

2008 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 1213-1249 ◽  
Author(s):  
SANA AIYAR
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Religious Nationalism ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Peculiar Form ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Provincial Politics

AbstractIn the wake of the Government of India Act of 1935, provincial politics emerged as a challenge to the authority and legitimacy of all-India, centralised political parties. While the Congress and the Muslim League set up a binary opposition between secular and religious nationalism, provincial politicians refused to succumb to the singularity of either alternative. Partition historiography has been concerned with the interplay of national and communal ideologies in the 1940s, overshadowing this third trajectory of regional politics that was informed by provincial particularities. This article traces a short-lived alternative that emerged in Bengal between 1940 and 1943 under the premiership of Fazlul Huq. Huq produced a peculiar form of identity politics that appealed not only to religious sentiment but also to regional loyalty that cut across the religious divide. Significantly, he did so without resorting to secular claims. By challenging Jinnah's claim to being the sole spokesman of Muslims in India and highlighting the different concerns of a province with a Muslim majority, Huq reconciled the twin identities of religion and region within the same political paradigm, and foreshadowed the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971.

Islam and the postsecular

2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 1041-1056 ◽  
Author(s):  
MUSTAPHA KAMAL PASHA
Keyword(s):  
Political Islam ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Cultural Experience ◽  
Late Modernity ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
Secular Modernity ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Islamic Identity ◽  
Different Order

AbstractThe language of the ‘postsecular’ acknowledges the enduring presence of faith in politics, repudiating secularisation theses claiming diminution or privatisation of religion in social and political life. In cognitive and experiential worlds, those presumably unfettered by these conceptions (for example, the Islamic Cultural Zones or ICZs), the postsecular presents a different order of challenge and possibility. The term ICZs refers to Muslim majority areas informed by transnational subjectivities loosely connecting varied Islamic societies around symbolic commonality, memory, and historical experience. The term stresses the plurality of Islamic cultural experience, albeit distinguished by recognisable semiotic markers, without essentialising Islamic identity. This article questions the hegemonic view pervasive in both secular and postsecular theorising of the fiction of immutability of faith in the ICZs and recognises its rupture and displacement under conditions of late modernity. The ontological dislocation in the character of religion itself under conditions of late modernity opens up the possibility to account for the assumed resistance of Islam to secular modernity, but also to explain Islam's imbrications in politics read under the sign of Political Islam. Paradoxically, under the condition of late modernity, a more homogenised Islam appears to crystallise in the ICZs at odds with an ‘open’ Islam.

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