Direito canônico e processo penal: colaboração processual na busca pela verdade

Este artigo objetiva demonstrar a possibilidade real de colaboração processual entre o estado laico e os Tribunais Eclesiásticos. Como objetivos específicos tem-se mitigar alguns pontos desconhecidos, aproximando as possibilidades práticas e teóricas acerca de complementação e colaboração processual. Como resultados da pesquisa notou-se que mesmo diante de evidentes singularidades, é possível a colaboração entre as duas instituições, cujo livre convencimento para julgar suas lides com base nas provas licitamente obtidas na instrução processual, tanto na esfera processual penal quanto na esfera eclesial são regidas por um mesmo objetivo, visando o princípio da busca pela verdade real. This article aims to demonstrate the real possibility of procedural collaboration between the secular state and the Ecclesiastical Courts. As specific objectives, some unknown points have been mitigated, approaching practical and theoretical possibilities about complementation and procedural collaboration. As a result of the research, it was noted that even in the face of obvious singularities, collaboration between the two institutions is possible, whose free conviction to judge their disputes based on the evidence lawfully obtained in the procedural instruction, both in the criminal procedural sphere and in the ecclesial sphere. governed by the same objective, aiming at the principle of the search for the real truth.

The Religiosity of the Indonesian Constitution: Article 29(1) and Its Interpretation

This paper examines the problem of whether the inclusion of religious words in the Indonesian Constitution is tantamount to the establishment of a religious constitution. By focusing on the Constitution’s provision on “belief in the One and Only God” in Article 29(1), this paper challenges the received theory of the religiosity of the Constitution. To that end, the paper first investigates the doctrinal and historical implications of Article 29(1). Particular analysis concerns the implications of this constitutionalization for Islamic law. The Constitutional Court’s decision on interreligious marriage is critically examined as an example of how the received theory is endorsed and articulated in the case of marriage. This paper argues that Article 29(1) concerns all religions, without any implied exclusion of non-monotheistic religions. Moreover, this paper affirms what is called the Pancasila state, located between an exclusively secular state and a religious or theocratic state. This arguably makes the notion of the religiosity of the Constitution unjustified. The Constitutional Court, however, has interpreted Article 29(1) in a strongly religious sense, leading to religious supremacy and, accordingly, is contrary to how the Constitution ought to be understood.

A laicidade do Estado como limite da atuação religiosa na esfera pública | The laicity of the State as a limit of religious action in the public sphere

A religião contribui para o debate de questões importantes à sociedade, favorecendo que o Estado estruture regras aplicáveis à coletividade. Contudo, se crenças religiosas de determinado grupo forem usadas como único parâmetro de fundamento para a tomada de decisões com afetação geral, há possibilidade de um pressuposto individual ser aplicado ao coletivo sem que efetivamente tenha cabimento e importância a todas as pessoas, eventualmente privilegiando apenas o grupo de onde emergiu tal crença. Assim, o problema que surge, e que impulsiona esse estudo, envolve a laicidade como eventual limite da atuação de grupos religiosos na esfera pública, entendida para fins desse estudo como o poder estatal. Os objetivos da análise envolvem - a partir do pressuposto da laicidade estatal, relativa à ausência de uma religião oficial do Estado – analisar se essa laicidade é um limitador da atuação de grupos religiosos no poder. Para isso, conceituam-se estado secular e estado laico, e sobre a liberdade religiosa prevista constitucionalmente, destacam-se garantias e os limites de atuação dos movimentos religiosos no exercício de funções públicas. A metodologia utilizada é a bibliográfica, e segue a estrutura dos direitos fundamentais, com vistas a uma relação com os direitos humanos. Os resultados apontam que o aspecto laico do estado brasileiro - que tem no pluralismo seu fundamento, e assegura a todos o direito de exercer seus direitos políticos, sem discriminação por motivos de origem, raça, cor, sexo, crença religiosa -, é limitador da influência religiosa nas decisões que atingem toda a coletividade. Religion contributes to the debate on issues that are important to society, favoring the State to structure rules applicable to the community. However, if the religious beliefs of a given group start to suit as the only basic parameter for decision-making with general affectation, an individual assumption is seen applied to the collective eventually without actually having a place and importance to all people, which it favors only the group from which such belief emerged. Thus, the problem that arises, and that drives this study, involves secularism as an eventual limit to the performance of religious groups in the public sphere, understood for the purposes of this study as state power. The objectives of the analysis involve - based on the presupposition of state secularity, relative to the absence of an official state religion - to analyze whether this secularity is a limiting factor in the performance of religious groups in power. For this, the secular state and the secular state are conceptualized, and on the constitutionally foreseen religious freedom, guarantees and limits of action of the religious movements in the exercise of public functions stand out. The methodology used is bibliographical, and follows the structure of fundamental rights, with a view to a relationship with human rights. The results show that the secular aspect of the Brazilian state - which has pluralism as its foundation, and ensures everyone the right to exercise their political rights, without discrimination for reasons of origin, race, color, sex, religious belief -, is limiting the religious influence in decisions that affect the whole community.

Laicidade, gênero e suas implicações no Estado Democrático de Direito: A necessidade de uma ecologia integral | Laicity, gender and their implications for the Democratic Rule of Law: The need for an integral ecology

Em 10 de julho de 2019, Jair Messias Bolsonaro disse: “Muitos tentam nos deixar de lado dizendo que o estado é laico. O estado é laico, mas nós somos cristãos. (...) Por isso, o meu compromisso: poderei indicar dois ministros para o Supremo Tribunal Federal. Um deles será terrivelmente evangélico”. O tema do presente artigo, portanto, é o estado laico na República Federativa do Brasil diante do incitamento político de algumas religiões em detrimento de outras e a notória influência histórica que algumas crenças apresentam com relação ao aspecto do gênero. O objetivo geral é analisar como a violação ao estado laico influencia nas questões do gênero feminino e, consequentemente, viola o Estado Democrático de Direito. Para tanto, os objetivos específicos são: a) analisar o Estado Democrático de Direito e o princípio do estado laico; b) analisar os requisitos para compor o Supremo Tribunal Federal; e c) analisar a influência de crenças religiosas com relação ao gênero feminino. A metodologia a ser utilizada é de pesquisa qualitativa, por intermédio de um método indutivo com análise documental. A presente pesquisa apresentou como resultado a violação ao Estado Democrático de Direito, em 2019, acerca da laicidade do estado, que feriu diferentes princípios constitucionais. On July 10, 2019 Jair Messias Bolsonaro said: “Many try to leave us aside saying that the state is secular. The state is secular, but we are Christians. (...) Therefore, my commitment: I will be able to appoint two ministers to the Federal Supreme Court. One of them will be terribly evangelical.” The theme of this article, therefore, is the secular state in the Federative Republic of Brazil, in view of the political incitement of some religions to the detriment of others, and the notorious historical influence that some beliefs have in relation to the aspect of gender. The general objective is to analyze how the violation of the secular state influences women's issues and, consequently, violates the Democratic Rule of Law. Therefore, the specific objectives are: a) to analyze the Democratic Rule of Law and the principle of the secular state; b) analyze the requirements to compose the Federal Supreme Court; and c) analyze the influence of religious beliefs regarding the female gender. The methodology to be used is qualitative research, through an inductive method with document analysis. The present research presented as a result the violation of the Democratic Rule of Law, in 2019, concerning the secularity of the state, that hurt different constitutional principles.

Turkey

This chapter argues that the supposed binary of a secular state and popular Islam is inadequate as a tool of analysis if we are to understand how religion has become a prominent category of both privilege and exclusion in Turkish society. Specifically, it contends that successive Turkish governments have privileged Sunni Islam as national identity. To build this argument, the chapter follows two parallel threads. The first analyses the ethnic and religious homogenization of the national body with a particular emphasis on violence against non-Muslim and non-Sunni groups. The second shows how, within the larger historical context of modernization theory, Cold War politics, and the post-9/11 promotion of moderate Islam, successive Turkish governments worked towards maintaining Sunni Muslim privilege while continuously expanding the category of enemies of the Turkish nation.

Islamists may reap some benefits from Sudan’s coup

Significance The Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) coalition of civilian and rebel groups have rejected the deal, but Hamdok has justified it on the grounds that (among other things) it will prevent the return of the former ruling National Congress Party (NCP), apparently responding to ongoing speculation over whether NCP-era Islamists influenced Burhan’s October 25 coup. Impacts Burhan will probably limit the work of the Empowerment Removal Committee, which aims to dismantle NCP-era power structures. Any empowerment of Islamists will likely be selective, to avoid alienating regional powers or FFC figures who might be open to cooperation. A marked turn towards Islamism would undermine the chances of a peace deal with holdout rebel groups who seek a secular state.

Status of Polish Priests in the United States 1956-1977

In 1976 the Polish Episcopate made a decision to regulate the status of Polish priests who left for the USA in 1956-1976. In Warsaw, thr work was manages by the Episcopal Secretariat, and in the USA, the coordinating office in Orchard Lake Schools, headed by Rev. Msgr. Alexander Cendrowski. Bishop Wesoły and Rubin from Rome cooperated with the center. On behalf of the American Episcopate, the Secretary General, Archbishop Bernardin, and the head of the Emigration and Tourism Commission Bishop Gracida cooperated. In the years 1956-1976, 356 priests and religious left Poland from 48 dioceses and 14 religious orders, including 165 priests and 186 religious. October 15, 1977 the status of priests was as follows: incardinated priests 52, religious 56; 16 in the incardination process, 17 emeritus, 7 returned to Poland, 33 had problems with incardination, 56 worked as a guest. The worked the most; 42 in Detroit, 41 in Chicago, 20 in Gary, 18 in Brooklyn and Philadelphia, 15 Buffalo, less than 10 in 18 dioceses It was impossibile to establish the status of the other priests they were suspended, sent to the secular state and entered into marriage. After 1978 Polish bishops made individual decisions and, in general, they lifted their suspensions and allowed them to work in the USA.