Dual Minds: Lessons from the French Context of Hume's Social Theory

Hume's theory of mind is often interpreted in associationist terms, portraying the mind as psychological and social. It is also argued that in his most famous philosophical works Hume has an irreligious agenda. These views are problematic because they overlook the issue of social obedience to political authority. By contrast, I examine the connections between Hume's works and those of Bayle and Montaigne. I argue that the French context of Hume's social theory sheds a new light on the dual mind. Indebted to a French Pyrrhonian heritage, Hume invokes custom as an explanatory concept in psychology and in the natural history of society. He also introduces religious analogies as he adopts a historical perspective in social and political theory. Along with custom, faith is crucial in his theory of government. The double nature of the mind thus corresponds to two distinct approaches: the customary mind engaging in profane, habitual activities; and the faithful mind participating in the sacred. Hume's analogy between society and secular religion is comparable to Durkheim's anthropology of rituals. Hume's affinity with Montaigne, Bayle, and Durkheim concerning to the duality of the mind, as customary and faithful, emphasises his role in the history of the French humanities.

Have Schemas been Good to Think With?

Schemas are one of the most popular explanatory concepts in cultural sociology, and are increasingly used in sociology more broadly. In this article we ask the question: have schemas been good to think with? We answer this question by analyzing the ontological, epistemic, and methodological bases of schemas, including the conceptualizations, claims, assumptions, and methods that underpin the use of schemas in sociological inquiry. We show that sociologists have developed two distinct, contradictory, and often conflated perspectives on schemas, what we refer to as culturalist and cognitivist perspectives. We suggest that schemas have acquired a polysemic character in sociology, and that they have become a (more narrow and consequently more scientifically legitimate) proxy for Culture, and that these features have (paradoxically) facilitated the popularity of schemas within the discipline. Sociologists have recently begun to make the necessary advancements to turn schemas into a more useful explanatory concept, through both analytical improvements (by distinguishing schemas from both public culture and other forms of nondeclarative personal culture), and methodological innovations (for better deriving schemas from survey data, texts, and experiments). Yet, some challenges remain, and the analytical value of schemas remains promissory. We conclude by offering some guidelines for making more specific and measured claims about schemas in sociological research.

Aportes metodológicos para la medición del sentido de eficacia política: Evidencia empírica de Quito-Ecuador

El sentido de eficacia política constituye un concepto explicativo fundamental para el entendimiento del repertorio de conductas políticas que tienen lugar en contextos democráticos. El presente trabajo tiene el propósito de contribuir metodológicamente a la medición del sentido de eficacia política, para lo cual propone un instrumento aplicable en entornos hispanoparlantes, tomando como punto de partida la evidencia empírica de su desempeño psicométrico en el caso ecuatoriano. Esta escala de eficacia política cuenta con dos componentes o subescalas: a) la adaptación y traducción de la escala de eficacia política interna (4 ítems) formulada por Niemi, Craig y Mattei (1991), y b) el desarrollo de 4 ítems para la medición de la eficacia política externa de los individuos, tomando como referencia la literatura disponible sobre el tema. Para la evaluación de las propiedades psicométrica del instrumento propuesto se emplearon dos muestras no probabilísticas tomadas antes (n_1 = 1136) y después (n_2 = 540) de las elecciones presidenciales ecuatorianas celebradas durante el año 2017. Los resultados más relevantes del estudio son los siguientes: primero, las pruebas de validez de constructo, mediante Análisis Factorial Confirmatorio (AFC), permiten verificar la bidimensionalidad de la escala, siendo capaz de medir de forma diferenciada la eficacia política interna y externa. Segundo, la confiabilidad de cada subescala cuenta con valores estadísticamente satisfactorios. Tercero, las pruebas de validez externa corroboran las expectativas teóricas relativas a la existencia de patrones de asociación distintos entre cada dimensión del sentido de eficacia política y otras variables de interés para la investigación sociopolítica. Cuarto, el análisis de invarianza de medida del instrumento, efectuado a través de Análisis Factorial Confirmatorio Multigrupo (AFCMG), sugiere la existencia de invarianza factorial, lo cual significa que los ítems del instrumento son capaces de realizar la misma distinción entre eficacia interna y externa en las dos muestras analizadas, además de ser interpretados de forma idéntica por los participantes de cada grupo. Finalmente, se discuten las implicaciones y limitaciones de los resultados obtenidos, así como las recomendaciones para futuros esfuerzos de investigación que permitan mejorar el ajuste de la escala propuesta al conjunto de países hispanoparlantes.Political efficacy sense constitutes a fundamental explanatory concept for understanding the repertoire of political behaviors that take place in democratic contexts. The purpose of this work is to contribute methodologically to the measurement of political efficacy sense, for which it proposes an applicable instrument for Spanish-speaking environments, taking as a starting point the empirical evidence of its psychometric performance in the Ecuadorian case. This scale of political efficacy has two components or subscales: a) the adaptation and translation of the internal political efficacy scale (4 items) developed by Niemi, Craig and Mattei (1991), and b) the development of 4 items for the measurement of the external political efficacy of the individuals, taking as reference the available literature about this subject. For the evaluation of the psychometric properties of the proposed instrument, two non-probabilistic samples were used, same as were taken before (n_1 = 1136) and after (n_2 = 540) of the Ecuadorian presidential elections held during the year 2017. The most relevant results of the study are the following: first, the tests of construct validity, through confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), allow to verify the two-dimensional structure of the scale, being able to measure differently the internal and external political efficacy. Second, the reliability of each subscale has statistically satisfactory values. Third, tests of external validity corroborate theoretical expectations relative to the existence of different association patterns between each dimension of political efficacy sense and other interest variables for sociopolitical research. Fourth, the measurement invariance analysis of the instrument, performed through Multi-Group Confirmatory Factor Analysis (MGCFA), suggests the existence of factorial invariance, which means that the items of the instrument are capable of making the same distinction between internal and external efficacy in the two analyzed samples, in addition they are interpreted identically by the participants of each group. Finally, the implications and limitations of the obtained results, as well as the recommendations for future research efforts to improve the adjustment of the proposed scale to the set of Spanish-speaking countries are in discussion.

UNDERSTANDING, CONSTRUCTING AND DESCRIBING SOCIAL PATTERNS IN RUSSIA OF THE 17TH – 20TH CENTURIES: NEW APPROACHES IN THE COLLECTIVE MONOGRAPHY BY URAL SCHOLARS

The review is devoted to the issues raised in the new book by the collective of Yekaterinburg authors. The reviewer focuses on how they evaluate different approaches to studying the peculiarities of social stratifications. Their conclusion about the disadvantages of using the class and the estate (soslovie) as an explanatory concept for the social sciences of Russiais of great academic interest. The critical analysis of this paradigm leads the authors of the monograph to revise the “macro-sociological” patterns adopted in historical science, as well as to propose and promote original methodological schemes focused on specific research problems in studying the social stratification of Russia. The methods of social construction undertaken in the 17th – 20th centuries were inspired by needs and discourses of Russian elites. Different conceptual strategies were used by elite groups to form a social structure. Contrary to the opinion of many historians, these structural models do not present «objective» social reality, but nevertheless deserve the most thorough investigation. Moving from generalizations to specific historical cases, the authors of the new monograph describe some social patterns: such archaic group like the kholops, social groups of the "vechnootdannye" and the European specialists in the Ural factories, the corporation of the Imperial School of Law graduates, the party "nomenklatura" in the Soviet period, the "atomic" community of scientists and specialists working on the atomic project, etc.

Evidence for Cultural Variability in Right-Wing Authoritarianism Factor Structure in a Politically Unstable Context

Right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) has been a central explanatory concept and predictor of sociopolitical and intergroup attitudes over the last decades. Research indicates RWA is formed by the subdimensions of authoritarianism, traditionalism, and conservatism. The objective of this study was to assess the cross-cultural validity of this three-factor model in a politically unstable context where an alternative factor model was observed. Data from four Brazilian samples ( N total = 1,083) were assessed to test whether a four-factor model (with conservatism split) identified in Brazil recently was better fitting than the three-factor model. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses and 3-year longitudinal evidence confirmed the four-factor model is the best RWA structure in the Brazilian context and that only the pro-trait conservatism items indexing submission to authority have adequate psychometric properties. Implications for future RWA propositions are discussed.

Shadow organizing and imitation: new foci for research

Purpose Shadow organizing refers to the emergence of parallel arrangements that sit alongside and imitate mainstream or conventional ways of organizing. It can be a response to challenges that require new ways of working without abandoning what is valuable about conventional arrangements. However, the processes through which shadow organizing is accomplished are not well understood; there is a need to go beyond traditional notions of mimicry and metaphor. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach This paper demonstrates how a Tardean approach to imitation can address this gap. It deploys imitation as an explanatory concept, based on contemporary readings of Tarde, as well as understandings of organizing as an unfolding process. Child and Family Centres in Tasmania (Australia), are used as an example of shadow organizing, delivering integrated health and education services in an emerging parallel arrangement. Findings The analysis highlights an imitation dynamic which is far from straightforward mimicry. Rather, it comprises repetition and generation of difference. This dynamic is conceptualized in Tardean fashion as three patterns: the imitation of ideas before expression; the selective nature of imitation; and insertion of the old alongside the new. Originality/value The paper moves beyond metaphors of shadow organizing, and understandings of shadow organizing as mimicry. Conceptualizing imitation in an alternative way, it contributes fresh insights into how shadow organizing is accomplished. This enriches and expands the conceptual apparatus for researchers wishing to understand the betwixt and between of shadow organizing.

The computational stance in biology

The goal of this article is to call attention to, and to express caution about, the extensive use of computation as an explanatory concept in contemporary biology. Inspired by Dennett's ‘intentional stance’ in the philosophy of mind, I suggest that a ‘computational stance’ can be a productive approach to evaluating the value of computational concepts in biology. Such an approach allows the value of computational ideas to be assessed without being diverted by arguments about whether a particular biological system is ‘actually computing’ or not. Because there is sufficient difference of agreement among computer scientists about the essential elements that constitute computation, any doctrinaire position about the application of computational ideas seems misguided. Closely related to the concept of computation is the concept of information processing. Indeed, some influential computer scientists contend that there is no fundamental difference between the two concepts. I will argue that despite the lack of widely accepted, general definitions of information processing and computation: (1) information processing and computation are not fully equivalent and there is value in maintaining a distinction between them and (2) that such value is particularly evident in applications of information processing and computation to biology.This article is part of the theme issue ‘Liquid brains, solid brains: How distributed cognitive architectures process information’.

Intersection Theory as Progressive

Many are already familiar with the idea of intersectionality. Intersection Theory can be conceived as encompassing other progressive theories, such as Philosophy of Race and Feminism. In Philosophy of Race, the ultimate explanatory concept is race; in Feminism, the ultimate explanatory term is gender. This discrepancy has given rise to Black Feminism. Intersection Theory can also be contextualized and expanded to include more detailed intersections when there is inequality within intersected groups. But, intersectionality does yet address unpredictable violence, either against blacks or normally advantaged groups, such as United States Jews. For such cases, it is useful to posit a new intersectional factor of regressive violence, to account for counter-revolutionary response to decades of progress for minorities. Overall, the flexibility of Intersection Theory allows for creative analysis. However, not all intersections yield politically viable identities and those that would might require governmental recognition of group rights.

Neoliberalism and Communication

Neoliberalism has become a central topic in critical cultural studies and communication. Broadly speaking, neoliberalism refers to economic theories, political discourses, and cultural practices that support free markets and private property. It is a political project dedicated to rolling back “the welfare state” and instituting a society based on market principles, as well as the ideologies and forms of governance that justify and enable such reforms. Neoliberalism is seen by many in the critical cultural tradition as a threat to enduring values such as justice, equality, and the ideals of “the public good” and the “common interest.” Others are critical of it as an explanatory concept, arguing that it lacks coherence and is used promiscuously as an all-purpose category of denunciation. In general, communication scholars have approached neoliberalism in two main ways. On the one hand, they have attempted to analyze communication about neoliberalism by focusing on the ways that communication is utilized to represent, enable, and justify neoliberal ideas, policies, and practices. This scholarship is largely concerned with the persuasive effects of communication and rhetoric. On the other hand, they have focused on the forms of communication that produce the cultural and material realities of neoliberalism. These scholars are generally concerned with the circulation of communication and rhetoric. It should come as no surprise that the distinction between the two approaches is not always neat and tidy. This is so, at least in part, because the critical traditions that inform this scholarship do not necessarily agree upon what exactly neoliberalism is. Communication scholars have engaged neoliberalism by aligning with, building upon, and mobilizing a variety of critical cultural scholarly approaches. Three of the most common approaches are discussed: neoliberalism as hegemonic project and ideology, neoliberalism as governmentality and biopolitics, and neoliberalism as political project and process. Each of these traditions assumes that neoliberalism constitutes, to a significant degree, the world we now inhabit.