Individual Differences in Belief in Fake News about Election Fraud after the 2020 U.S. Election

Fake news is a serious problem because it misinforms people about important issues. The present study examined belief in false headlines about election fraud after the 2020 U.S. presidential election. Belief in election fraud had dangerous consequences, including the deadly insurrection at the U.S. Capitol in January 2021. In the present study, participants rated the truthfulness of true and false headlines about the election, and then completed individual difference measures eight days after the election. Participants with more conservative ideology, greater presidential approval of the outgoing president, greater endorsement of general conspiracy narratives and poorer cognitive reflection demonstrated greater belief in false headlines about election fraud. Additionally, consuming more politically conservative election news was associated with greater belief in false headlines. Identifying the factors related to susceptibility to false claims of election fraud offers a path toward countering the influence of these claims by tailoring interventions aimed at decreasing belief in misinformation and decreasing conspiracy beliefs to those most susceptible.

Was there any widespread fraud in 2020 presidential election? What does Benford's Law say?

Fair elections free of any interference are integral tenets of any functioning democracy, and widespread election fraud is undoubtedly a serious threat to a free republic. While instances of electoral fraud are much more prevalent in countries with illiberal democracies, the U.S has recently faced such an accusation. Although he was unable to provide any concrete evidence, the former U.S. President Donald Trump accused his opponent, Joe Biden, now president, of electoral fraud after the presidential election. Fortunately, election forensics are often successful in investigating the validity of such fraud allegations. In this paper, I applied Benford’s law, a rule that should stand up to any large set of natural numbers, such as un-tampered electoral data. Using this law and basic statistical analysis of votes of U.S. counties for candidates of the two major parties, I completed a forensic analysis to investigate Mr. Trump’s allegation. My comprehensive investigation does not find any evidence supporting his allegation.

Source alerts can reduce the harms of foreign disinformation

Social media companies have begun to use content-based alerts in their efforts to combat mis- and disinformation, including fact-check corrections and warnings of possible falsity, such as “This claim about election fraud is disputed.” Another harm reduction tool, source alerts, can be effective when a hidden foreign hand is known or suspected. This paper demonstrates that source alerts (e.g., “Determined by Twitter to be a Russian government account”) attached to pseudonymous posts can reduce the likelihood that users will believe and share political messages.

Cell Phone Access and Election Fraud: Evidence from a Spatial Regression Discontinuity Design in Afghanistan

This paper examines the impact of cell phone access on election fraud. I combine cell phone coverage maps with the location of polling centers during the 2009 Afghan presidential election to pinpoint which centers were exposed to coverage. Results from a spatial regression discontinuity design along the two-dimensional coverage boundary suggest that coverage deters corrupt behavior. Polling centers just inside coverage report a drop in the share of fraudulent votes of 4 percentage points, while the likelihood of a fraudulent station decreases by 8 percentage points. Analyses of the effect of coverage on citizen participation in election monitoring, election-related insurgent violence, and the tribal composition of villages suggest that the observed declines in fraud are likely attributed to cell phone access strengthening social monitoring capacity. (JEL D72, K16, K42, O17, Z13)

System and Elements, Control and Management of Election Fraud -Tool of Global Masonis Mafia_Driven Elite and its Deep State - Imitation Democracy and Management and Control Respective State and Examples of The US Elections 2020

Lord prof PhD PhD Momtchil Dobrev-Halachev developed 2010 “Financially banking resource-based technological mafia-driven materialism” as a based principle materialismus since more than 17 century., 2010 “Theory and praxice of the Mafiotismus” and 2001 “Theory of the mafia ”. The 2020 US elections have proven exactly how the falsification scheme, fraud in elections organized by the elite, the oligarchy, the kleptocracy and the mafia in the United States works. This mafia, which aims at the NEW WORLD ORDER and the enslavement of the entire planet and all nations. As president, Trump opposed this mafia, but it tricked him into rigging the election.

Election fraud protests will endure in Ecuador

Headline ECUADOR: Election fraud protests will endure

Research note: Examining false beliefs about voter fraud in the wake of the 2020 Presidential Election

The 2020 U.S. Presidential Election saw an unprecedented number of false claims alleging election fraud and arguing that Donald Trump was the actual winner of the election. Here we report a sur-vey exploring belief in these false claims that was conducted three days after Biden was declared the winner. We find that a majority of Trump voters in our sample – particularly those who were more politically knowledgeable and more closely following election news – falsely believed that election fraud was widespread and that Trump won the election. Thus, false beliefs about the elec-tion are not merely a fringe phenomenon. We also find that Trump conceding or losing his legal challenges would likely lead a majority of Trump voters to accept Biden’s victory as legitimate, alt-hough 40% said they would continue to view Biden as illegitimate regardless. Finally, we found that levels of partisan spite and endorsement of violence were equivalent between Trump and Biden voters.

Examining false beliefs about voter fraud in the wake of the 2020 Presidential Election

The 2020 U.S. Presidential Election saw an unprecedented number of false claims alleging election fraud and arguing that Donald Trump was the actual winner of the election. Here we report a survey exploring belief in these false claims that was conducted three days after Biden was declared the winner. We find that a majority of Trump voters in our sample – particularly those who were more politically knowl-edgeable and more closely following election news – falsely believed that election fraud was wide-spread and that Trump won the election. Thus, false beliefs about the election are not merely a fringe phenomenon. We also find that Trump conceding or losing his legal challenges would likely lead a ma-jority of Trump voters to accept Biden’s victory as legitimate, although 40% said they would continue to view Biden as illegitimate regardless. Finally, we found that levels of partisan spite and endorsement of violence were equivalent between Trump and Biden voters.

Society in the authoritarian discourse

In August 2020, the presidential election took place in Belarus, followed by unprecedented mass protests due to apparent election fraud. Aliaksandr Lukashenka, the country’s long-term authoritarian leader, faced the biggest electoral challenge since his first election in 1994. This article analyzes his official rhetoric during the campaign and after the election focusing on the image of the society. For this purpose, discourse-historical approach is applied to understand his political vision of the developments in Belarus and to explore changes in his rhetoric caused by the unprecedented challenge to his power. The research demonstrates that Lukashenka acts as a classical authoritarian ruler with respective discursive strategies. The text shows that he adopted the imaginary role of Belarus’s strict father, who has assumed full responsibility for its fate and offensively reacts to every challenger of this role. It also reveals that Lukashenka sees his personal contract with the Belarusian society as a stable and durable instrument that does not require changes and per se implies his personal engagement as a party to it. Finally, the analysis of Lukashenka’s rhetoric in 2020 suggests that a voluntary transition of power in Belarus remains rather wishful thinking.