security structure
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2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (39) ◽  
pp. 98-112
Author(s):  
Teresa Grabińska

There are briefly presented two trends in security sciences developed in the last 10 years: the issues of security culture and the issues of personal safety. Both approaches to security designate methods of threefold insight into the state of security and ways to improve it for an individual and a group. The subject of the discussion will be a comparative analysis of these two approaches to securitology. The research hypothesis is that the approach focused on personal safety emphasizes the importance of the cultural tradition of an individual or group, while the approach focused on the culture of security raises the importance of appropriate shaping of the security structure. This correspondence clearly refers to the determinants of personal safety. The discussed topic is very important for the development of theoretical securitology, especially in connection with the increasingly topical issues of the so-called multiculturalism in a globalizing world. Determinants of personal safety make it possible to study (also in an empirical way) of the individual and group feelings of security. In this way, the combination of the security culture and the presented concept of personal safety opens the way to the humanization of securitology.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aamir Junaid , Abdul Malik , Muhammad Ashraf Nadeem

India always had cordial ties with Afghanistan except for the four years of the Taliban rule. September 11 replaced the planet's political and security structure and gave India a chance to enter Afghanistan. Afghanistan's strategic position attracts the global community and it is a gateway to energy-rich CARs. New Delhi's interest in Afghanistan is quite realistic. After the end of the Taliban government in 2001, India increased its influence in Kabul, attended the Bonn Conference, and pledged to support Afghan people in the rehabilitation process. New Delhi enjoyed cordial ties with democratically elected regimes in Afghanistan and promoted its relations with Tehran to protect its objectives in Kabul to contain Islamabad. India has infused a lot of money in several projects in Afghanistan to increase its impact in Afghanistan. The global community thinks India is effective advertising in Southern Asia, but Pakistan believes New Dehli's foot in Kabul threatens its security. Islamabad stresses New Delhi must support Afghan nationals and avoid working against Pakistan from Afghan soil. Afghanistan has been suffering from war for the last two decades. This paper highlights the historical ties between India and Afghanistan


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nisful Laila ◽  
Sylva Alif Rusmita ◽  
Eko Fajar Cahyono ◽  
W.N.W. Azman-Saini

Purpose This study aims to analyze the determinants of ratings of corporate bonds and sukuk issued by firms listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) for the 2013–2019 period. Design/methodology/approach This study uses a quantitative approach by testing hypotheses and using logistic regression. Ordinal logistic endogenous (or dependent) variables (Y) in ordinal logistics use data in the form of levels (ordinal scale). Independent (or exogenous) variables (X), include financial and non-financial factors for dependent (or endogenous) variables (Y), namely, of corporate bonds and sukuk ratings. There are two approaches to the study they are Logit and Gompit (Negative Log-Log. The population of the study is Indonesian companies listed on the IDX that issued bonds and sukuk for the 2013–2019 periods. The sampling technique is purposive. In total, 16 corporate companies adhering to the above criteria and issuing bonds and sukuk were chosen. In total, 270 types of bonds and 280 types of sukuk were selected as samples. Findings The results of the Logit and Gompit regression show that leverage ratio, firm size, security structure and maturity date are important determinants of corporate bond ratings while profitability and liquidity ratios appear to have no influence on the rating. In the case of sukuk, profitability, liquidity and maturity date play important roles in influencing the corporate sukuk rating. However, there is no evidence to suggest that leverage ratio, company size and security structure may affect sukuk ratings. Research limitations/implications For both sukuk and bond issuers, it is necessary to pay attention to the factors that may affect the ratings. Specifically, Sukuk issuers need to pay attention to the return of asset, current ratio, growth and structure. On the other hand, bond issuers need to consider depth to equity, structure and maturity. As for investors, the findings of this study reveal that both bond and sukuk ratings reflect their performance. Practical implications This study provides useful information for investors that allows them to assess the risk of sukuk or bonds chosen based on rating and financial performance. Originality/value The novelty of this study lies in its econometric methodology used to identify factors which influence sukuk and bond ratings. Specifically, this study used two different techniques that allow a robust conclusion to be drawn. Furthermore, this study provides a systematic analysis which allows comparison between factors which affect bond and sukuk ratings in Indonesia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Valery Ilhamna Putri

This article is intended to analyze the reason behind the shipment of Main Battle Tank (MBT) Leopard by Germany to Indonesia from the year of 2012 until year 2017. Arms transfer is used with the purpose to increase wealth, power and to produce innovation in production of military power of a state. Arms transfer is an essential part from international security structure because it can influence a shift in local and regional power. This article argued that there are three power dimensions along with the intended influence in arms transfer pursued by supplier country. The intended power dimensions are bargaining power, structural power, and hegemonic power. At the end of the article, it is concluded that three power dimensions stated above complete and relate to each other to fulfill the supplier country's interest.


Author(s):  
Hillel Frisch

The considerable variation in the way national security agencies are structured is a function of two basic factors: the state’s political and social heterogeneity and the possibility of allying with a strong external state, usually the United States. The problem, however, with fragmenting the military and security forces to achieve “coup-proofing” is that a tradeoff exists between fragmentation and assuring internal security on the one hand, and ensuring offensive capabilities to ward off external enemies, on the other. According to this model, centralized homogenous entities enjoying U.S. protection will tend to fragment their security systems most. States that duplicate their security forces least are plural societies that cannot command U.S. interest and commitment to meet their external security threats. The Palestinian Authority (PA) under Yasser Arafat was emblematic of political entities that were homogenous and enjoyed the protection of the United States and Israel, and it could therefore fragment its security forces into 12 or more security agencies compared to Eritrea, which achieved independence a year before the establishment of the PA, and maintained a very unified security apparatus to meet the threat of a vastly larger enemy—Ethiopia. As long as Israel (and the United States and its allies) supported the PA, Arafat made do with a fragmented inefficient security structure that was nevertheless efficient enough, with Israeli security backing, to meet the major external threat—Hamas and the Jihad al-Islami in both the West Bank/Judea and Samaria and Gaza. Israel’s decision to withdraw from Gaza in December 2003 and to complete its withdrawal from Gaza by September 2005 forced the fragmented PA to face these enemies alone, leading to the loss of Gaza to Hamas. By contrast, in the West Bank/Judea and Samaria, the more fragmented PA security structure prevailed as a result of considerable security cooperation with Israel. Hamas, bereft of a close external ally, challenges a superior Israeli military and therefore has a unified security structure much like Eritrea in the 1990s.


Author(s):  
Mehmet Gürsu

Although the US political and military-led NATO during the Cold War period was accepted as the undisputed keystone of European Defense, the policies of some EU member states on acceptance of NATO’s role in the aftermath of the Cold War have changed. In this process, the efforts to activate the Common Security and Defense Policy which constitutes one of the carrier columns of the European Security Structure have been accelerated. Based on the balance of threat hypotheses, to spill over the integration of the EU in the 􀏐ield of security and defense and to examine the struggle between the Atlanticist and the European wing of the EU in this regard; It is critical in understanding the impact of NATO on the development of CSDP, the breakpoints in that process and the reasons for the failures experienced, and the today and the future of the relationship NATO, the USA structured with EU member states. After the Cold War, a security environment was established in Europe based on the development of mutual relations between the great powers and the solution of problems with peaceful methods. The annexation of Crimea and destabilization of Ukraine by Russia, who lost the diplomatic war on Ukraine with the West, ended this peace environment. Russia has become a concrete risk and threat to European security with its actions. In order to balance the Russian threat and ensure the security of Europe, NATO and the EU have increased. In the study, the structure of the security relationship between the EU and NATO in the historical process and the direction of this relationship after the Ukraine crisis are examined. It is aimed to reveal the impact of NATO on the European Security Structure and to explain the scope and direction of the future security and defense cooperation between NATO and the EU. Keywords: European Security Structure, NATO, CSDP, Ukraine Crisis.


Author(s):  
Alicia Leslie-Jones

Cybersecurity is an ever-evolving area of technology. As such, there will always be myriad trends to consider. Through the progression of cybersecurity comes the increased need for organizations to keep pace with the rapid development of technology. However, the current skills gap of cybersecurity professionals has overwhelmingly become a cause for concern. The spread of cloud computing has created a need for new cloud forensics procedures, and the use of internet-connected medical devices has added concerns for the information security structure of many organizations. In order to resolve these issues, proper vulnerability testing and implementation of new processes to keep up with the changes in technology have to be introduced to reduce the possibility of hacking incidents and aid in remediation. If more organizations leverage the skills and personnel available to them, there are ways to reduce the skills gap and other issues affecting cybersecurity.


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