scholarly journals Between knowing and feeling: emotions and the vote in the 2017 Chilean presidential election

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 452-474
Author(s):  
Carolina Segovia ◽  
Ricardo Gamboa

How do citizens decide who to vote for in an election? Traditional answers focus on the role of political knowledge, party identification, and evaluations of the past performance of governments as explanatory variables. In this study we evaluate an alternative argument: the role of emotions. Using data from a survey carried out following the Chilean general elections of December 2017, this article investigates the association of emotions with the vote for Sebastián Piñera, and how emotions interact with other relevant factors that correlate with the vote. We conclude that in Chile, together with party identification and the evaluation of past governments, the emotions aroused by candidates are strongly associated with the voting decision.

The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-545
Author(s):  
Anne M. Cizmar ◽  
John McTague

Abstract This paper examines the role of authoritarianism in the 2018 US congressional elections. In particular, we assess whether the issues that have historically been central to the authoritarian divide in the American electorate were salient in the campaigns of several important Senate races. We demonstrate that authoritarian attitudes played a consistent, significant role on presidential vote choice, party identification, and numerous policy areas in the 2016 presidential election using data from the American National Election Studies. Using case studies of six Senate races in the 2018 midterm elections, we find that authoritarianism was more muted than in 2016, and that the role of authoritarianism varied considerably depending upon the race. States with stronger Trump support in 2016 featured authoritarianism more heavily than states with less Trump support in 2016, but authoritarianism overall was not as prominent in 2018 as in 2016. Overall, Senate candidates relied on traditional campaign messages related to candidate qualifications, personal attacks, the economy, and other messages less central to authoritarianism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-478
Author(s):  
Arindra Wigrha Pratama

Political insecurity ahead of the 2019 presidential and vice presidential election candidates often arises in the Pati Police jurisdiction. The establishment of this task force aims to minimize the occurrence of various political vulnerabilities ahead of the presidential and vice presidential elections so as not to develop into social conflict. The purpose of this study is to analyze the problems of political vulnerability that existed during the 2019 Presidential Election in the Pati Police jurisdiction, describe and explain the role of the Nusantara Task Force in preventing the occurrence of problems of political vulnerability that existed during the 2019 Presidential Election in the Pati Police area, and analyze the factors factors influencing the implementation of the Task Force of the Archipelago in preventing the occurrence of problems of political insecurity that existed during the 2019 Presidential Election in the Pati Police jurisdiction. Theories used in this research are the Role Theory and Voter Behavior Theory. The concept used is the Nusantara Task Force Concept. The laws and regulations in this study are Law No. 2 of 2002 concerning the National Police and the Law. No. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, as well as National Police Chief Sprin No. .: Sprin / 40 / I / 2018 Date January 8, 2018 About the Establishment of the Task Force Nusantara.


2014 ◽  
Vol 89 (4) ◽  
pp. 1197-1226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carmen Aranda ◽  
Javier Arellano ◽  
Antonio Davila

ABSTRACT: Managers use a variety of information to set performance targets. Using data from 376 branches of a large travel retailer over five years, this study documents supervisors considering the relative performance of comparable units in target setting, which we term relative target setting (RTS). We find evidence of RTS after controlling for individual past performance in the form of ratcheting. Our findings also indicate that RTS partially shapes the use of other information on past performance. Specifically, we find that the magnitude of ratcheting decreases (increases) with RTS for favorable (unfavorable) performance variances, and the asymmetry of ratcheting characterized by different ratcheting coefficients for unfavorable than for favorable variances is significant for large absolute magnitudes of RTS. Managers use the flexibility associated with the subjectivity of the target-setting process to weight peer and individual information differently across different units. Data Availability: The data used in this study cannot be made publicly available due to confidentiality agreements with the participating organization.


Author(s):  
Corwin Smidt

This article examines the role of Catholics within the 2020 presidential election in the United States. Although Catholics were once a crucial and dependable component of the Democratic Party’s electoral coalition, their vote in more recent years has been much more splintered. Nevertheless, Catholics have been deemed to be an important “swing vote” in American politics today, as in recent presidential elections they have aligned with the national popular vote. This article therefore focuses on the part that Catholics played within the 2020 presidential election process. It addresses the level of political change and continuity within the ranks of Catholics over the past several elections, how they voted in the Democratic primaries during the initial stages of the 2020 presidential election, their level of support for different candidates over the course of the campaign, how they ultimately came to cast their ballots in the 2020 election, and the extent to which their voting patterns in 2020 differed from that of 2016.


GEOgraphia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (51) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thiago Andrade Santos

Este estudo discute o processo de produção do espaço de Belo Horizonte, tendo como fio condutor a análise da ação conjunta entre Estado e capital. Mostra-se, a partir do caso prático de Belo Horizonte, que, no processo de modernização e metropolização contemporâneos, a espoliação dos mais pobres continua a ocorrer. Nesse processo, o urbanismo, travestido de planejamento urbano e regional, planejamento estratégico etc., assume seu papel de saber político vinculado às necessidades do capital, organizando o espaço em função dos interesses deste último. A valorização do solo urbano acontece com o auxílio das intervenções do Estado via instrumentos de planejamento urbano previstos na própria legislação urbanística brasileira. Há a elevação do preço da terra e dos serviços, o que tende a dificultar o acesso dos trabalhadores de baixa renda, sendo a renda fundiária oriunda desses processos apropriada pelo capital rentista. Considerando as características da urbanização na porção norte da Região Metropolitana de Belo Horizonte no passado em comparação com o momento atual, verifica-se que, embora o capitalismo venha se trasformando ao longo do último século, se adaptando às suas crises, a sua essência permanece a mesma, bem como a essência da urbanização que produz. Observa-se como desdobramento direto uma nova rodada de gentrificação do espaço e do consequente processo de periferização por conta da ampliação da capitalização do solo urbano da metrópole.Palavras-chave: Urbanização; Produção do Espaço; Capital; Estado; Urbanismo. URBANISM LIKE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE/IN THE SPACE: REFLECTIONS BASED ON THE BELO HORIZONTE METROPOLIZATION PROCESS CASE Abstract: This study discusses the Belo Horizonte’s production of space process, having as a guideline the analysis of the association between government and capital. It is shown from the empirical case of Belo Horizonte that in the contemporary modernization and metropolization process the dispossession of the poorest continues. In this process, urbanism, disguised of urban and regional planning, strategic planning, etc., assumes its role of political knowledge linked to organize the space in function of the capital needs. The valorization of urban soil occurs with the aid of State interventions using urban planning instruments provided for in the Brazilian urban legislation itself. There is an increase in the price of land and services, which tends to hinder the access of low-income workers, and the land income from these processes is appropriated by rentier capital. Considering the characteristics of urbanization in the northern portion of the Metropolitan Region of Belo Horizonte in the past compared to the current moment, it appears that, although capitalism has been changing over the last century, adapting to its crises, its essence remains the same, as well as the essence of the urbanization it produces. A new round of gentrification of the space and the consequent process of periphery growth can be observed as a direct development due to the expansion of the capitalization of metropolis urban land.Keywords: Urbanization; Production of Space; Capital; State; Urbanism. EL URBANISMO COMO ECONOMÍA POLÍTICA DEL / EN EL ESPACIO: REFLEXIONES A PARTIR DEL PROCESO DE METROPOLIZACIÓN DE BELO HORIZONTE Resumen: Este estudio discute el proceso de producción del espacio de Belo Horizonte, teniendo como pauta el análisis de la acción conjunta entre Estado y capital. Se muestra, a partir del caso práctico de Belo Horizonte, que, en el proceso de modernización y metropolización contemporánea, se sigue produciendo el saqueo de los más pobres. En este proceso, el urbanismo, disfrazado de planificación urbana y regional, planificación estratégica, etc., asume su papel de conocimiento político vinculado a las necesidades del capital, organizando el espacio según los intereses de este último. La valorización del suelo urbano se da con la ayuda de intervenciones estatales mediante los instrumentos de planificación urbana previstos en la propia legislación urbana brasileña. Existe un aumento en el precio de la tierra y los servicios, lo que tiende a dificultar el acceso de los trabajadores de bajos ingresos, y los ingresos de la tierra de estos procesos son apropiados por el capital rentista. Considerando las características de la urbanización en la parte norte de la Región Metropolitana de Belo Horizonte en el pasado en comparación con el momento actual, parece que, aunque el capitalismo ha ido cambiando durante el último siglo, adaptándose a sus crisis, su esencia sigue siendo la misma, así como la esencia de la urbanización que produce. Una nueva ronda de gentrificación del espacio y el consecuente proceso de periferización puede verse como un desarrollo directo debido a la expansión de la capitalización del suelo urbano de la metrópoli.Palabras-clave: Urbanización; Producción espacial; Capital; Estado; Urbanismo.  


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 579-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. J. Pattie ◽  
R. J. Johnston

Aggregate cross-national analyses of political participation have reported correlations between civic literacy, political knowledge and election turnout. Enhancing civic literacy among Canadian voters, in part by encouraging greater newspaper readership in the general population, has been put forward as a strategy for combating falling turnout in national general elections. The idea is evaluated comparatively at the level of individual voters, using data from the British Election Study. Newspaper readership is related to political knowledge, but increased newspaper reading does not translate into a greater propensity to vote.


2021 ◽  
Vol 269 ◽  
pp. 01013
Author(s):  
Xiangye Zhang ◽  
Hailong Liu ◽  
Hui Chen

Global change brings great uncertainty to the fragile ecological environment of arid area. In order to understand the driving role of climatic factors and socio-economic activity on changes, the distribution and change of vegetation in the Aral Sea basin were examined using data from remote sensing, population data sets from 2000 to 2015, transfer matrix, and the centre of gravity model. The salient results of the analysis were as follows. (1) Although the index increased slightly in the past 20 years overall, it fluctuated greatly over that time. From 2000 to 2015, the NDVI decreased in approximately 62% of the area; increased in 24%; and remained unchanged in 14%. (2) From 2000 to 2015, the geographic centre of the area under forest land to the northeast, marking the advancement of urbanization upstream. The geographic centre of grassland moved to the west. (3) The overall impact of precipitation on vegetation was greater than that of temperature. Areas showing a strong correlation were mostly concentrated in forest land; the impact of precipitation on grasslands was weak. (4) The distribution of vegetation was adversely affected by the increase in population and in GDP. The present study is of particular significance to the restoration and reconstruction of the Aral Sea basin ecosystem.


1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Lambert ◽  
James E. Curtis ◽  
Barry J. Kay ◽  
Steven D. Brown

AbstractThe study explored the sources of political knowledge using data from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. Two dimensions of political knowledge were measured: factual knowledge, in which respondents were asked to name the 10 provincial premiers; and conceptual knowledge, in terms of respondents’ abilities to define and use the concepts of left and right. The authors tested four explanations of people's levels of political knowledge; these dealt with education, political participation, media effects and region, with controls for income, residency in several provinces, age and sex. Education was significantly associated with both forms of knowledge, but especially with conceptual knowledge. Reading about politics in newspapers and magazines was strongly related to the two knowledge variables. The effects of reliance on television for political information, however, were much weaker. There were significant effects for region, with the patterns depending on the type of knowledge. The study concludes with some observations about the role of knowledge in political behaviour.


2019 ◽  
pp. 107769901986643
Author(s):  
Hsuan-Ting Chen

Second screening has become a prevalent media consumption behavior. Nevertheless, the political implications of second screening are not fully understood. Using data from a two-wave panel survey in Hong Kong, this study examines the role of second screening in contributing to an engaged public based on the Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-Orientation-Response (O-S-R-O-R) model. In addition, second screening behaviors are differentiated into second screening for news and for expression. The findings show that these two behaviors play significant but different roles in influencing citizens’ cognitive (i.e., political knowledge) and psychological (i.e., political efficacy) development. This hybrid media practice also affects political participation directly and indirectly through interpersonal discussion, political knowledge, and political efficacy. Implications of the findings for the development of participatory democracy are discussed.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 1029-1058 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cameron D. Anderson ◽  
Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant

Abstract.Despite widespread attention paid to issues of representation, how Canadians think and feel about different facets of representation are inadequately documented and understood. Using data from the 2000 Canadian Election Study (CES), the article addresses this dearth of systematic research through an examination of popularly held attitudes toward three dimensions of political representation: direct versus representative democracy, the role of the elected representative and territorial versus non-territorial bases of substantive representation. Particular attention is paid to the impact of political knowledge and the individualist/collectivist value cleavage on representational preferences. Results are discussed in light of current debates regarding institutional and representational change in Canada.Résumé.En dépit de l'attention portée aux enjeux de la représentation, les sentiments et les idées des Canadiens par rapport aux différents aspects de la représentation sont mal documentés et compris. Cet article emploie les données de l'Étude électorale canadienne (ÉÉC) et cherche à combler cette lacune en examinant les attitudes populaires par rapport à trois dimensions de la représentation politique : la démocratie directe versus représentative, le rôle du représentant élu, et les bases de représentation territoriales versus non-territoriales. Nous accordons une attention particulière aux répercussions du niveau de connaissances politiques et des valeurs individualistes ou collectivistes sur les préférences en matière de représentation. Les résultats sont examinés à la lumière des débats récents sur le renouveau institutionnel et les modifications de la représentation au Canada.


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