scholarly journals Aspectos relevantes del intento de reforma constitucional en Italia en la cuestión de procedimiento legislativo y fuentes primarias = Aspetti rilevanti della tentata riforma constituzionale in Italia in tema di procedimiento legislativo en fonti primarie = Relevant aspects of the constitutional reform attemp in Italy in the matter of legislative procedure and primary sources

2017 ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Tommaso Pensabene Lionti
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Legal Issues ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Legislative Procedure ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
The Many

<p>El 4 de diciembre de 2016 los italianos fueron llamados a participar, a través de la votación, en el <em>referéndum</em> concerniente una ley constitucional que (en caso de resultado positivo), habría modificado de manera radical el ordenamiento constitucional italiano. Entre las múltiples modificaciones que la reforma quería introducir, se enfocan lo significativos cambios que la misma habría producido en materia de procedimiento legislativo. En efecto, al final de la reforma, el sistema parlamentario italiano habría cambiado, transitando desde el llamado “bicameralismo paritario” hasta un sistema monocameral “asimétrico o diferenciado”. En consecuencia, habría cambiado el procedimiento legislativo, estructurándose en múltiples procedimientos, o variantes procedimentales, de los cuales se describe la disciplina, haciendo hincapié sobre algunos relevantes aspectos problemáticos. Se subraya, también, que la reforma, a través de la modificación del procedimiento legislativo, junto con la nueva disciplina constitucional de los decretos-leyes y de la nueva repartición de las competencias normativas entre el Estado y las Regiones, habría producido cambios importantes sobre las mismas características de las leyes y de los actos con fuerza de ley. En conclusión, se plantean las posibles razones, políticas y jurídicas, que han llevado al resultado negativo del <em>referendum</em> constitucional.</p><p>On December 4, 2016, Italians were called upon a <em>referendum</em> to approve a constitutional law that would (if successful) radically change the Italian constitutional system. Among the many changes that the reform intended to pursue, we are focusing on the significant changes it would bring in the legislative procedure. As a result of the reform, in fact, the Italian parliamentary system would be changed, passing from "bicameralism equal" to a "asymmetric or differentiated" monocameral system. Consequently, the legislative process would have changed, articulating into multiple procedures or procedural variants, of which the discipline is described, focusing on some relevant problematic profiles. It should also be noted that the reform, with the modification of the legislative procedure, together with the new constitutional discipline of the decree-law and the new division of normative competences between the State and the Regions, would have produced important changes in the features of laws and acts with force of law. Finally, we are questioning about the possible reasons, policies and legal issues, that have led to the negative outcome of the constitutional <em>referendum</em><em>.</em></p>

scholarly journals The Mediation Committee of the Bundestag and Bundesrat: A Special Institution of German Constitutional Law

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-42
Author(s):  
Claus Koggel
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Current Case ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
Legislative Procedure ◽  
German Constitutional Law

AbstractThe Mediation Committee of the Bundestag and Bundesrat – is it “one of the most felicitous innovations in our constitutional activities”, “the most positive institution in the entire Basic Law” or, as some critics assert “a substitute and superordinate parliament” or indeed the “mysterious darkroom of the legislative process”? This article seeks to provide answers to these questions. It is however clear that the Mediation Committee has become an important instrument for attaining political compromises in Germany's legislative procedure. The Committee's purpose is to find a balance between the differing opinions of the Bundestag and Bundesrat concerning the content of legislation, and, through political mediation and mutual concessions, to find solutions that are acceptable to both sides. Thanks to this approach, the Mediation Committee has helped save countless important pieces of legislation from failure since it was established over 65 years ago, thus making a vital contribution to ensure the legislative process works efficiently. The lecture will address the Mediation Committee's status and role within the German legislative process. It will explain the composition of this body as well as its most important procedural principles also against the backdrop of current case law from the Federal Constitutional Court. Finally, the lecture will consider how particular constellations of political power impact on the Mediation Committee's work.

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION IN PRACTICE CONSTITUTION IN INDONESIA

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Dadang Suprijatna
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The People ◽  
State Administration ◽  
The World ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Over Time

ABSTRACT Conventions has the same legal force by law, because it is accepted and executed, even the convention can shift the written laws. Constitution change, one of them can be reached through the convention, because the constitution is open to be evaluated and refined over time through political mechanisms. To make changes and improvements in the constitution can be developed through amendments or changes as stipulated in Article 37 of the Constitution of 1945 can also be done through a constitutional convention. Convention by constitutional law experts recognized as one of the sources of constitutional law that can be used in the preparation of the implementation system of the Republic of Indonesia as the law states that sovereignty of the people. Almost all modern countries in the world beside it has the constitution (the written Constitution) in the practice of state administration also acknowledges the convention. There are convention in every constitutional system, especially in democracies. For Indonesia, the convention grew by or in accordance with the needs of the Indonesian state. Therefore it should be understood that the convention can not be"imported" form the constitutional system of other countries may be different principle and character with the state system of Indonesia. Parliamentary system that has been entrenched in the constitutional system in western countries, are certainly not in accordance with the constitutional system of Indonesia under the Act of 1945. Keywords: Convention, Constitutional, Indonesias Constitution 

scholarly journals La limitación del número de mandatos del Presidente del Gobierno // The term limits of the Presidential office

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (101) ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Cristina Pauner Chulvi
Keyword(s):  
Term Limits ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
Democratic Tradition ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
System 2 ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Resumen:En España, en los últimos tiempos, se ha hablado y discutido con frecuencia sobre la posibilidad de limitar el número de mandatos de los Presidentes del Gobierno. La propuesta más reciente ha sido abordada por elgrupo parlamentario Ciudadanos con la presentación de una Proposición de modificación de la Ley del Gobierno de 1997. El principal motivo que se esgrime para incorporar esta novedad es el de contribuir a la regeneración democrática y evitar episodios de perpetuación en el cargo público. Pero la propuesta ha desencadenado un debate jurídico muy intenso sobre la norma jurídica que debe contener el mandato. De modo que, frente a quienes defienden la legitimidad de la opción legal, existen sectores políticos y doctrinales que abogan por la necesidad de acometer una reforma constitucional sobre la base de las dificultades de encaje de tal medida en el sistema parlamentario español y la incidencia que tiene en el procedimiento ordinario de nombramiento del Presidente del Gobierno en los términos que establece el artículo 99 de la Constitución española.Abstract:In Spain, the idea of limiting the number of terms of office of the President of the Government has been around in recent times. The parliamentary group Ciudadanos has addressed this issue with a Proposal of amendment in the Government Act of 1997. The requirement is justified on the contribution to the democratic regeneration and the prevention of perpetuation in a public office. But the proposal has triggered an intensive debate and, against those who defend the legitimacy of the legal amendment, some sectors support the need for a constitutional reform on the basis of the inconsistencies with the Spanish parliamentary system and the impact on the ordinary procedure of appointment of the President of the Government, under the terms provided by article 99 of the Spanish Constitution. Summary:I. Introduction. II. The proposal of limiting the number of terms of office of the president of the Government and the current prescriptions of limits of term of office of the presidents of the autonomous regions. III. The need for a constitutional reform to set the limitation of the number of terms of office of the president of the Government. Arguments. 1. The limitation of the number of terms of office of the President is inconsistent with the parliamentary system. 2. The eligibility of a person is part of the representative democratic tradition. 3. The limitation of the number of terms of office ignores the logic of the State of the parties. 4. The restriction of terms of office affects the relations among institutions and represents a triple constraint that determines the subjects involved in the procedure of appointment of the President of the Government. 5. The limit of the terms of office is a vetoed subject for the Government Act asit exceeds the content authorized by the Constitution. IV. Conclusions.

scholarly journals Judicial Review of the Legislative Process in Lesotho: Lessons from South Africa

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Hoolo 'Nyane
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Main Question ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Common ◽  
Constitutional System

The Constitution of Lesotho has a supremacy clause which ordinarily empowers the judiciary to review the actions of other branches of government. However, the judiciary in Lesotho seems to treat the legislative process with deference. This deference seems to be based on the old common law notion of the non-intervention of the judiciary in the legislative process. The notion has its roots in the British constitutional system. The Constitution of Lesotho, 1993 has even protected this doctrine through a constitutional ouster clause in section 80(5). The main question which this paper seeks to answer is whether indeed the common law notion of non-intervention in the legislative process is part of the constitutional law of Lesotho. In the end, the paper uses South African jurisprudence on the review of the legislative process to make a case that Lesotho can use the supremacy clause in the constitution and other constitutional doctrines such as the rule of law and legality to break with the common law notion of non-interventionism.

O potrzebie wprowadzenia ustawy referendalnej do systemu prawnego w Polsce

2021 ◽  
Vol 1(162) ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Piotr Uziębło
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Constitutional System

The problems raised in the doctrine of constitutional law related to the implementation of a decision taken in a referendum in matters of particular importance to the state, as well as the generally marginal use of the institution of popular vote in the constitutional prac-tice, give rise to reflection on the introduction of the institution of a referendum law into the Polish constitutional system. In this article the author considers the advantages and disadvantages of such a solution, analyzing at the same time contemporary normative regulations concerning such acts in other countries. The research leads to the conclusion that despite the risks involved, the refer-endum law should appear in the Polish constitutional system in the future, as it would not only give a chance for a more complete reflection of the will of the collective subject of sovereignty without the necessity of its decoding by the parliament, but it could also be an impulse for the development of the referendum practice in the Republic of Poland. However, it is important to introduce proce-dural barriers that will prevent depreciation of this institution.

The Development of the Notion of Separation of Powers

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Troper
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Constitutional System

It suffices to examine two of the most important texts which form the basis of France's constitutional system, the Declaration of Human Rights of 1789, and the Law of June 3, 1958, in order to become convinced that separation of powers is one of those immutable principles which imposes itself as self-evident on every liberal constituent body. Article 16 of the Declaration of 1789 proclaims that “any society in which the protection of rights is not ensured, nor the separation of powers established, has no constitution”. The constitutional Law of June 3, 1958, for its part, authorizes the government to establish a constitutional project, provided that five principles be respected; among these principles appears, immediately following the necessity of universal suffrage, the separation of powers.

scholarly journals Constitutional reform 2020 and problems of protection of rights and freedoms of human and citizen in Russian Federation

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-51
Author(s):  
N. А. Gazimagomedova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Federal District ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
The North ◽  
The Russian Federation

The article discusses the problems of further improving the theory and legislation of constitutional law, as well as the practice of ensuring and protecting human and civil rights and freedoms in the Russian Federation based on the novels of the constitutional reform of 2020. All-Russian requirements in the regions of the North Caucasian Federal District.

Treatment Issues in Child Sexual Abuse

1991 ◽  
Vol 159 (6) ◽  
pp. 769-782 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danya Glaser
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Child Sexual Abuse ◽  
Protective Factors ◽  
Treatment Process ◽  
Legal Issues ◽  
Treatment Modalities ◽  
Careful Planning ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Many

Child sexual abuse is a commonly encountered and often emotionally damaging experience, maintained by secrecy and followed by denial after disclosure. Treatment in this field involves both the child and the family in a variety of treatment settings and modalities, often proceeding in parallel. Child developmental considerations dictate that treatment often proceeds in phases. It aims to protect the child from further abuse and the consequences of disclosure, and address the trauma and context of the abuse. Careful planning and co-operation is required by the many professionals working in this stressful area in order to avoid confusion, conflicts, and splits which may mirror relationships in the family. The heterogeneity of the problem is reflected in the fact that treatment cannot be offered in a uniform programme. Legal issues may influence the treatment process. Evaluation of treatment modalities, the identification of protective factors and achieving long-term adjustment in the least detrimental manner offer challenges in this newly developing field.

Die demokratische Legitimation der Europäischen Wertpapier- und Marktaufsichtsbehörde und ihrer Rechtsakte

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominik Stolz
Keyword(s):  
Financial Crisis ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Complex Processes ◽  
Demokratische Legitimation ◽  
Financial Crisis Of 2008

The key matter of this book is a phenomenon not only at EU level which is now analyzed from a European and constitutional law perspective: Non-elected expert bodies are significantly involved in the legislative process. With respect to increasingly complex processes and detailed issues, and bearing in mind the experience of the financial crisis of 2008/2009, bodies like the European Commission and Parliament are relinquishing far-reaching powers. Regarding ESMA the question arises whether basic principles of democratic legitimacy have been violated. Therefore, which standard is to be applied at EU level? In other words: Is it the end that justifies the means?

6. Legislation and Decision-Making

EU Law ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 155-193
Author(s):  
Paul Craig ◽  
Gráinne de Búrca
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Eu Legislation ◽  
Legislative Procedure ◽  
Ordinary Legislative Procedure ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Academic Debate

All books in this flagship series contain carefully selected substantial extracts from key cases, legislation, and academic debate, providing students with a stand-alone resource. This chapter, which discusses the process by which the EU enacts legislation and makes decisions, begins by considering the making of legislative acts. This includes the Treaty rules and practice concerning the initiation of the legislative process, and how the ordinary legislative procedure, in which the Council and EP act as co-legislators, has come to occupy centre stage. The focus then shifts to the making of delegated acts followed by an analysis of how implementing acts are made. The chapter concludes with discussion of democracy in the EU, and evaluates the extent to which the EU might be said to have a democracy deficit. The UK version contains a further section analysing issues concerning EU legislation and decision-making in relation to the UK post-Brexit.

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