The Populist Political Parties and their Overthrow in the Prevalent Order

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-44
Author(s):  
Maria Negreponi-Delivanis

Abstract The world is entering a new international economic order, with clearly different characteristics to the previous one. Apart from the fundamental rotation (every 40-50 years) between the regimes of free trade and protectionism, the decisive difference is the rapid rise of populist parties that are gradually displacing traditional political parties and traditional governments in Europe and the world. This development is the angry response of the victims of globalization, which has created many losers and few winners. Despite some differences among these new political parties, depending on whether they belong to the right or left, they all share certain basic choices, such as closed borders, the return of nationalism, the need for state intervention in the economy, a more equitable distribution of wealth, the demonstration of hostility to elitism and the status quo, the limitation of unregulated stock market economy, the greater emphasis on domestic production and consumption than exports. This status change is important not only from the point of view of mutating from liberal to illiberal democracy, but also from the point of view of the radical economic changes expected at the international and national levels. The main question, which at present cannot be answered, is whether life on the planet Earth will be better or worse as a result of these fundamental changes that penetrate our everyday life.

FIKROTUNA ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
ABD WARITS

In the history of women's life, the woman has never cracked from the wild cry of helplessness. Woman always become victim of men’s egoism, marginalized, hurt, unfettered, fooled and never appreciated the presence and role. This situation troubles many intellectual Muslims who have perspective that Islam teaches equality, equality for all human beings in the world. The difference in skin color, race, tribe and nation, as well as gender does not cause them to get the status of the different rights and obligations. The potential and the right to life of every human being and the obligation to serve the Lord Almighty is the same. Indeed, all human beings, as caliph in the world, have the same obligation, namely to prosperity of life in the world. No one is allowed to act arbitrarily, destroying, or hurt among others. They are required to live side by side, united, and harmonious, help each other and respect each other. However, that "demand" never becomes a reality. The differences among human identities become a barrier and the cause of divisions. For them, those who are outside environment, different identities are "others" who rightly do not need them "know". The difference of identity has become a reason to allow "hurt" each other. Several intellectual Muslims who recognize the wrong (discrimination against women), and then they attempt to formulate a movement for women's liberation. All the efforts have been done on the basis of awareness that arbitrary action by any person can never be justified. They also realize, that the backwardness of women are "stumbling block" that will lead to the resignation of a civilization. However, this struggle found a lot of challenges; including the consideration of "insubordination" to conquer the power of men, despite it had done by using many strategies. Starting from the writing of scientific book and countless fiction themed women has been published in order to give awareness of equality between men and women. This paper seeks to reexamine the process of the empowerment struggle to give a brand new concept, so that the struggle of women empowerment is not as insubordination and curiosity process in an attempt to conquer the male. Through approach of literature review and observations on the relationship between men and women, the writer finally concluded that the movement of Islamic feminism is not a movement to seize the power of men, but an attempt to liberate women from oppression so that they get the rights of their social role, giving freedom for women to pursue a career as wide as possible like a man, without forgetting a main duty as a mother: to conceive, give birth and breastfeed their children.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.


2011 ◽  
pp. 676-687
Author(s):  
Deborah L. Wheeler

Making the choice to be an Internet society is not a process governed simply by a state’s attitudes towards computers and the data that flows between them. Rather, being an Internet society means fostering the wide embrace of perspectives modeled on the technology itself. The basic components of designing an Internet society include a commitment to the free flow of information across and among hierarchies; a belief that it is best not to privilege any single information node; a realization that censorship is difficult if not futile; and a commitment to the idea that communities, companies and individuals have the right to represent themselves within electronic landscapes. All of these information attitudes have spill over effects in the real world. While constructing an Internet society is also about building information infrastructure and teaching people to use new tools, it is the clear spill over effects linked with the technology’s design principles that have most developing countries proceeding with caution. For many countries around the world, especially (semi) authoritarian ones, no matter how strong the economic incentives for being an Internet society are, politically and socially, accepting such processes of change without selective state intervention is uncommon. Nowhere are these interventions more apparent than in the puzzling mosaic of Internet led development in the Arab World. This article entertains a series of questions regarding emerging Internet societies in the Arab World: 1. To what degree is the Internet spreading in the Arab World and what factors are most commonly driving (or inhibiting) these processes of technological change? 2. In what way is the Internet contributing to processes of political change in the region? And how is the authoritarian state intervening to regulate Internet use in an attempt to control the spill over effects of such use? 3. What might be the longer term impacts of emergent Internet cultures in the region?  


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotte Glow

It has been said that the Civil War was won by committees. Recent writers on this subject have begun to show how parliamentary policy and its execution was forged in the committee chambers rather than on the crowded floor of the House of Commons. This article is concerned with the personnel of these committees, in particular with those men who were not famous for their political activities and attitudes. Obviously, a core of leaders was needed in order to direct the business of the committees, to give continuity to their proceedings and to ensure that their work was in accord with the policy of the Commons. But the political ‘parties’ were relatively small, and with all the enthusiasm in the world their members could not attend personally to all aspects of government, civil and military. This study is concerned with the men who had no known political views but who contributed a great deal of time and effort to the running of parliamentary affairs. Because of their relative obscurity in the House it will be useful to ask why they were chosen to serve on certain committees, how their background and activity compared with that of their more ‘political’ colleagues, and how they reacted to situations where they were required to take a political stand. Above all, it will be possible to judge whether these men formed a coherent group rather than a random collection of individuals. These men owed their positions to their administrative skill rather than to their political affiliations. As administrators they were responsible to the legislature, and during a time of intensified state intervention, they became analogous to a non-political civil service, ready to execute the policy decisions of the party leaders.


Utilitas ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
David McNaughton ◽  
Piers Rawling

In recent years the distinction between agent-relative and agent-neutral reasons has been taken by many to play a key role in distinguishing deontology from consequentialism. It is central to all universalist consequentialist theories that value is determined impersonally; the real value of any state of affairs does not depend on the point of view of the agent. No reference, therefore, to the agent or to his or her position in the world need enter into a consequentialist understanding of what makes an action right or wrong or morally permissible. Consequentialism thus provides an agent-neutral account of both the right and the good.


1979 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elise Boulding

From the vantage point of mid-1970s, the author looks back a hundred years, to see the global social change that occurred during this period in perspective, and then forward a hundred years, to be able to foresee where the global order may be heading. By choosing this particular vantage point, she emphasizes the transitional nature of the 1970s, when the seed is being sown but the sprout is yet to show up. And by choosing a 200-year time-frame, she recognizes that a period of less than 100 years is apt to distort the view of the past with one's prejudices as it is apt to colour the view of the future with one's wishes. Arising from the experience of colonialism and decolonization syndrome, both North and South have entered a phase of prolonged crisis that may as well help as hinder both in meeting it with the right response. There are, however, signs that a process of what is at once learning and teaching is under way - in other words, a dialogue as between equals - which, when brought to fructification, may indeed usher in a new global order. The author takes a hundred-year leap forward for a look-see of the world as it might be in the year 2075.


Author(s):  
Jennifer C. Brookes

Human sensory processes are well understood: hearing, seeing, perhaps even tasting and touch—but we do not understand smell—the elusive sense. That is, for the others we know what stimuli causes what response, and why and how. These fundamental questions are not answered within the sphere of smell science; we do not know what it is about a molecule that … smells. I report, here, the status quo theories for olfaction, highlighting what we do not know, and explaining why dismissing the perception of the input as ‘too subjective’ acts as a roadblock not conducive to scientific inquiry. I outline the current and new theory that conjectures a mechanism for signal transduction based on quantum mechanical phenomena, dubbed the ‘swipe card’, which is perhaps controversial but feasible. I show that such lines of thinking may answer some questions, or at least pose the right questions. Most importantly, I draw links and comparisons as to how better understanding of how small (10’s of atoms) molecules can interact so specially with large (10 000’s of atoms) proteins in a way that is so integral to healthy living. Repercussions of this work are not just important in understanding a basic scientific tool used by us all, but often taken for granted, it is also a step closer to understanding generic mechanisms between drug and receptor, for example.


2021 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-24
Author(s):  
D. Syzdykovа ◽  

The authors attempt to consider the philosophical and ideological ideas of the great thinker and humanist Abay Kunanbayev. The analysis of Abay Kunanbayev's work has shown that there are poorly developed aspects, however, without claiming to cover all aspects of the problem comprehensively, the authors made an attempt to study the nature and essence of Abay's philosophical and ideological views in the work "Words of Edification" based on the material of Abay Kunanbayev's work "Words of Edification". The authors focused on the analysis of the philosophical content of the work "Words of Edification". The article uses a philosophical methodology that corresponds to the current level of spiritual and scientific- theoretical culture. The authors implemented scientific methods such as the ascent from the abstract to the concrete, the principle of concrete historicism (the unity of historical and logical). Concrete historicism, exploring the history of the subject, considers the logic of the historically developing subject (process), this principle contributes to the active reflection of the historical process. Historicism traces and reproduces the essence of the historical process from the point of view of its formation and development in the system of concepts. Abay's creativity occupies a special place in the world culture, he raised spiritual culture to a new level, gave new examples of reflection of the Kazakh reality. Abai justified a new worldview, new thinking, new values, which are fundamentally different from everything that was in the traditional culture of the Kazakhs. In the work "Words of Edification", the object of criticism is the traditional Kazakh society. Criticism has a constructive character, as a result of which universal problems, ideas of kindness, humanity, compassion, mercy, freedom and responsibility are raised. Abai forms a new approach to the concept of labor. The great thinker showed the role of work in the formation and development of a person, personality, that through work and activity it is possible to comprehend knowledge, science. Abay expressed a new approach to religion, he contrasted blind faith with a reasonable study of Islam, when they accept Iman not only as something sacred, but also know how to protect and strengthen it with reasonable arguments. Abay developed a new ideal of a perfect, true person, "tolyk adam", who strives for knowledge, is a moral person, recognizes freedom of choice and responsibility. The moral code of the great humanist is "Adam Bol". Abay, determining the status of a person in the world, notes that a person's mind, erudition, honor and charm make him beautiful and strong, he focuses on spirituality, knowledge, education and culture.


1985 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-91
Author(s):  
William Michelsen

Grundtvig TodayThe Land of the Living, 1984. Edited by Flemming Ettrup and Johannes H. Christensen.Reviewed by William MichelsenThe main content of this book is a series of lectures given at Skovshoved Church in Copenhagen in 1983. It is published by the Danish Library Society and contains important contributions to the current debate on Grundtvig. This is particularly true of the three lectures by the three professors, Christian Thodberg, Leif Grane and Aage Henriksen. Thodberg discovers the background for the poem The Land of the Living in Grundtvig’s sermons and biblical poetry. Leif Grane applies a present-day theological point of view to defend Grundtvig’s standpoint in The Church’s Retort (Kirkens Gienm.le), while Aage Henriksen maintains that Grundtvig himself cannot be bounded by the world of ideas represented by the Church. He is answered by Ejvind Larsen, and adds a “preliminary” reply himself.The reviewer points out that Aage Henriksen’s lecture was also given in a Danish church, and that the Danish Church is more open than most, thanks not least to Grundtvig’s great contribution to Church freedom from 1832 onwards. His greatness lies in the fact that at one and the same time he maintained the sharp distinction between Christianity and non-Christianity and the right for people of a different persuasion to speak with the same freedom as he himself and every other Christian.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 600-613
Author(s):  
Natalya D. Shikher

The article examines the conceptual ideas of the World Russian Peoples Council, acting under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church, regarding the implementation of the right to freedom of conscience and the status of religious associations in Russia. Furthermore, the speeches of heads of the states at the Councils were studied for their attitude to the ideological content of the activities of this organization. On the basis of the data obtained, the author attempts to find a correlation between the proposals voiced at the Councils on changing certain aspects in the religious sphere and the reforms of the Russian legislation on freedom of conscience. As a result of this study, a striking coincidence was revealed between the two factors mentioned: the provisions discussed at the Councils, as a rule, after some time were reflected in Russian normative legal acts. Not having sufficient grounds for declaring an unambiguous causal relationship between conciliar ideas and legislative reform, one can, in any case, assume a significant impact of the activities of the World Russian Peoples Council on the state policy in implementation of the right to freedom of conscience in modern Russia.


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