scholarly journals Hegemonía y resistencia en el espacio mediático: los medios de minorías étnicas

2020 ◽  
pp. 131-141
Author(s):  
Alicia Ferrández-Ferrer ◽  
Jessica Retis

There is a broad academic consensus on the role of the media in promoting and maintaining hegemony. However, the media can also be used to counter hegemonic discourses and empower people who have no voice. This is the case of ethnic minority media. The development of media by these groups has contributed to their inclusion into the public sphere, understood as the space in which citizen issues are articulated and negotiated, and where the struggle related to the imposition of hegemonic meanings takes place. In this context, they have become a tool in the fight against cultural hegemony, exclusion, and discrimination. Considering their enormous potential to counteract not only the biased and criminalizing representation of ethnic minorities in the mainstream media but also the “discursive exclusion” of these groups, the academic literature has described minority media as “alternative,” in two aspects: on the one hand, in relation to the generalist media, and on the other, in relation to their potential to offer new voices and discourses on social reality. This work focuses on elucidating the extent to which one can consider this type of media as “alternative,” considering that, despite their emancipatory potential, they are subject to the tensions and contradictions of the media space, which is emerging as a very complex space, influenced by other fields of power, e.g., political and economic. For these media, tensions are also generated in the transnational space, adding enormous complexity to the field. Resumen Existe un amplio consenso académico sobre el papel de los medios de comunicación en el fomento y mantenimiento de la hegemonía. Pero los medios también se pueden utilizar para contrarrestar los discursos hegemónicos y empoderar a las personas que no tienen voz. Este es el caso de los medios de minorías étnicas. El desarrollo de medios por parte de estos grupos ha contribuido a su inserción en la esfera pública, entendida como el espacio en el que se articulan y se negocian las cuestiones ciudadanas, y donde se produce la lucha por la imposición de significados hegemónicos sobre la realidad social. De este modo, se han convertido en una herramienta para la lucha contra la hegemonía cultural, la exclusión y la discriminación de colectivos minoritarios. Con su enorme potencial para contrarrestar no solo la representación sesgada y criminalizadora de las minorías étnicas en los medios de comunicación generalistas, sino también la “exclusión discursiva” de estos colectivos, la literatura científica ha calificado a los medios de minorías como “alternativos”, y ello en una doble vertiente: por un lado, en relación a los medios generalistas, y por otro, en relación a su potencial para ofrecer nuevas voces y discursos sobre la realidad social. Este trabajo se centra en dilucidar hasta qué punto podemos considerar a este tipo de medios como “alternativos”, teniendo en cuenta que, a pesar de su potencial emancipador, se encuentran sometidos a las tensiones y contradicciones del espacio mediático, que se perfila como un espacio muy complejo, influido por otros campos de poder, como son el político y el económico. En estos medios, dichas tensiones se generan además en el espacio transnacional, aportando una enorme complejidad.

Author(s):  
Eduardo Villanueva-Mansilla

OLPC, the One Laptop Per Child initiative, was accepted by just a few countries, including Peru. The largest acquisition of computers has produced a fairly low impact in education and is now being quietly phased-out. Peru's government decision to adopt the computers, back in 2007, was not contested or questioned by the political class, the media or even teachers, with just a rather small number of specialists arguing against it. This chapters discussed the political and argumentative processes that brought OLPC into the public sphere, through the use of a specific narrative, that of hackerism, i.e., the hacker attitude towards computers, and how social and political validation resulted in adoption. An assessment of the process of framing OLPC as a hacker product and the perils of such reasoning lead to discuss the need for a counter-narrative about the role of computers in society.


2019 ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Francis L. F. Lee

This chapter reviews the relationship between the media and the Umbrella Movement. The mainstream media, aided by digital media outlets and platforms, play the important role of the public monitor in times of major social conflicts, even though the Hong Kong media do so in an environment where partial censorship exists. The impact of digital media in largescale protest movements is similarly multifaceted and contradictory. Digital media empower social protests by promoting oppositional discourses, facilitating mobilization, and contributing to the emergence of connective action. However, they also introduce and exacerbate forces of decentralization that present challenges to movement leaders. Meanwhile, during and after the Umbrella Movement, one can also see how the state has become more proactive in online political communication, thus trying to undermine the oppositional character of the Internet in Hong Kong.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 166-188
Author(s):  
Aistė Valiauskaitė

The article analyses the information that spreads in the media during the election campaign. It looks at the aspect of promises made by politicians through an academic lens. The definition of a political promise is explained; some insights are devoted to an analysis of the reasons why some promises are more commonly fulfilled. The paper mostly concentrates on the role of the media, combining ideas of media theorists with the investigation of pre-election TV debates “Lyderių forumas”.Keywords: campaign, objectivity, parliamentary elections, political communication, professionalism, promise, tv debates.


Author(s):  
Marie Hermanova

The COVID-19 pandemics highlighted the role of social media influencers as political communicators and drew attention to the question of accountability of influencers and their overall role in the media ecosystem. The aim of the paper is to analyze the role of lifestyle Instagram influencers in shaping the public narrative about COVID-19 as an orchestrated political event aimed at curbing civic freedom in the Czech Republic with focus on two key elements: 1) the politicization of the domestic (space) on Instagram and its gendered nature and 2) the framing of the role of influencers as democratic public voices offering an alternative to mainstream media, within the context of the post-socialist historical experience of totalitarian past. The presented analysis builds on digital ethnography among Czech female lifestyle influencers and content analysis of selected Czech influencers profiles.


Author(s):  
María Velasco González ◽  
Ernesto Carrillo Barroso

This article forms part of a classic social science debate on the role of the media in the construction of social and political narratives. The object of the paper is to study the rise and fall of the concept of tourismphobia in the Spanish media. The case is analyzed in the light of public policies studies, especially those analyzing agenda-setting, the social construction of the definition of public problems and the struggles of coalitions seeking to impose their public policy narratives in the policy-making process. With this purpose, a database was used that collected more than 11,000 news items over a substantial period of time. Its analysis reveals that media attention rises sharply after active protest actions against tourist saturation and that the term is mostly linked to specific territories and cities and to certain political figures. It also allows us to observe how some political responses to the problem appear more in the media, while others are minimized. The conclusions indicate that the “tourismphobia” neologism was capitalized on – which is often the case with terms that circulate in the public sphere – by various groups attempting to highlight some of its semantic dimensions over others. The study also reveals that the media assume an active position in the construction of discourses in relation to tourism also as a political and not just an economic issue. Furthermore, it shows that the use of the term has greatly declined, either because the problem has become dormant or because it has been reformulated into other terms that are more in line with dominant narratives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-148
Author(s):  
Rohmanur Aziz

This study aims to reveal the role of the media in disseminating information regarding the cancellation of the departure of pilgrims from the critical discourse dimensions. Therefore, this research method uses Critical Discourse Analysis from Norman Fairclough. The results of this study indicate that the role of the media in the cancellation policy of Hajj pilgrims in 2021 consists of three essential things. First, the media sided with the news content about the cancellation of the hajj based on norms by the law and various derivative regulations. Second, the mainstream media group has its concept in understanding how to disseminate the information so that it can become a public discourse and understand the public after being back on the mainstream media stage. Third, the media behaves like a ‘pendulum’ that can go back and forth to contribute to "orchestrating" the public discourse in this context regarding the cancellation of the departure of the pilgrims.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap peranan media dalam menyebarluaskan informasi mengenai pembatalan keberangkatan jamaah haji dilihat dari dimensi-dimensi wacana kritis. Oleh karena itu metode penelitian ini menggunakan Analisis Wacana Kritis dari Norman Fairclough. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa peranan media dalam kebijakan pembatalan jemaah haji tahun 2021 terdiri dari tiga hal penting. Pertama, media berpihak pada konten pemberitaan tentang pembatalan haji berdasarkan pada norma yang sesuai dengan undang-undang dan berbagai peraturan turunannya. Kedua, kelompok media arus utama memiliki konsep tersendiri dalam memahami cara menyebarluaskan informasi sehingga dapat menjadi wacana publik, namun sekaligus dapat memahamkan publik setelah kembali dimainkan di panggung media arus utama. Ketiga, media berperilaku sebagai bandul pendulum yang dapat bolak-balik berkontribusi dalam “mengorkestrakan” wacana publik dalam konteks ini tentang pembatalan pemberangkatan jemaah haji.     


Author(s):  
Mahmoud Eid

Canadian demographic trends indicate that the number of religious adherents from various faith groups is on the rise. Despite successful integration of some religions into mainstream Canadian society, discrimination against some faith groups persists. Christianity is the dominant religion in Canada, the minorities being Islam, Judaism, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Sikhism. The mainstream media are considered a main driver of social cohesion in Canada because they construct ideologies and define communities. They are a key lever in shaping debate about religion in the public sphere; however, debates exist on how religion is portrayed in the media. Despite the vast religious diversity in Canada, media organizations commonly ignore religious minorities, deeming them insignificant, unfavourable, and sometimes invisible. This chapter reviews and compares research findings on Canadian media depictions of these faith groups over the past few decades. Canadians of various faith groups have expressed a wide array of sentiments toward their representations in the media. Vast differences in media depictions exist; however, dominant discourses and representations prevail for each faith group: Christians are the normal group; Muslims are in discord with Western societies; Jews require sympathy; Buddhists are peaceful; Hindus are friendly; and Sikhs are extremists. It is suggested here that considerable research needs to be conducted on Canadian mainstream media patterns of coverage and portrayals of interfaith activities within Canadian society.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gert Goeminne

In this deliberately provocative commentary, I interrogate the relationship between two critical perspectives on the one-sided scientific framing of the climate issue: a constructivist interpretation of climate modeling on the one hand and the debate in political theory on the depoliticization of the public sphere on the other. I argue how they could be tied together in order to provide an enriched understanding of climate denial as a symptom rather than a cause of dysfunctional climate politics. It is my claim that in attempting to translate the universal validity of scientific knowledge into the contours of an inclusive, consensual negotiation model, the constitutive role of exclusion in the emergence of scientific objectivity is overlooked.


2018 ◽  
pp. 192-198
Author(s):  
Andrii Mazepa

The purpose of the article is to study the role of television series as a system-forming factor of modern public communication in the field of domestic television space. The relevance of the article is determined by the insufficient knowledge of the structure and content of modern television series, which is the public basis of communication. In the scientific discourse there are no works that make it possible to comprehend the television series as part of the general cultural media space and contribute to the identification of semiotic codes that determine the unity of the sphere of public communication. The article points out that the development of the information and cultural space is becoming a factor of a powerful influence on society, especially young people. The article reveals the basic principles of building a postmodern television space, defines its specificity as an element of cultural policy. In this sense, the thematic content of the television series is based not so much on the foundation of pure artistic creativity as on the information field that the media form. The television series has the ability to blur the line between documentary and artistic reality and brings this communication characteristic to a new level – creating artistically revised reconstructions of real events within the framework of the paradigm “as it really was”. Due to this, the television can have a powerful manipulative potential.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (55-56) ◽  
pp. 98-115
Author(s):  
John Lynch

This article examines three films by the Swedish director Ruben Östlund: Play (2011), Force Majeure (2014), and The Square (2017). It describes the role of mobile phones in the films, both on the level of content and in terms of aesthetics. Within the films, the failure of the phone to connect the protagonists to significant others is seen as symbolic of an alienation that leads them to points of crisis. Here, the mobile phone works as a device in two ways. First, as a significant communication technology, and second, as a plot contrivance to advance the dramatic conflict. Critically, the mobile phone opens an uncertain space where subjectivity becomes increasingly insecure, precisely as it becomes fundamentally intertwined with it. There is a cinematic tradition of mobilizing this ambiguity to which this process can be connected. Further, the form of these works is considered in relation to the notion of traumatic repetition, and how this expands into the wider contemporary image-culture and the key influence of YouTube within this. Here, the films are considered in relation to the changing dynamic of the public sphere in the light of the mobile recording capabilities, that have come to shape an emergent cinematic aesthetic evident in these films.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document