scholarly journals Islamism, Christianism, Urbanism, and The Capitalization of Urban Space

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-306
Author(s):  
Elia Tambunan ◽  
Fouad Larhzizer

Abstract: This paper relates Islamic studies, namely Islamism, with Christian studies, urban studies in an integrative way. The objects of written material are religions, social movements, politics, and cities. The research was conducted from July 2012 to July 2018 using a qualitative empirical approach with depth interview techniques and the use of social media, combined with literature studies. The author argues, it is a fundamental mistake if scholars of Islamic studies believe too much that Islamic social movements are a manifestation of Islamism as the ideology of Islamists as published so far. In practice, Islamic social movements, especially in urban communities, are far more complex than ideological issues. Examining the Salatiga urbanites as the location and subject research, it is found a religious linkage and the caliptalization of urban space. This linkage creates a contentious politics and the interests of the urban elite that play into it during the Regional Head Election.الملخص: تربط هذه الورقة الدراسات الإسلامية ، أي الإسلاموية ، بالدراسات المسيحية ، والدراسات الحضرية بطريقة تكاملية. المواد المكتوبة هي الأديان والحركات الاجتماعية والسياسة والمدن. تم إجراء البحث في الفترة من يوليو 2012 إلى يوليو 2018 باستخدام نهج تجريبي نوعي مع تقنيات المقابلة العميقة واستخدام وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي ، جنبًا إلى جنب مع دراسات الأدب. يجادل المؤلف بأنه من الخطأ الأساسي أن يعتقد علماء الدراسات الإسلامية أن الحركات الاجتماعية الإسلامية هي مظهر من مظاهر الإسلاموية باعتبارها إيديولوجية الإسلاميين كما نُشرت حتى الآن. في الممارسة العملية ، الحركات الاجتماعية الإسلامية ، خاصة في المجتمعات الحضرية ، أكثر تعقيدًا بكثير من القضايا الإيديولوجية. عند دراسة سكان سالاتيجا كموقع وبحث موضوعي ، وجد ارتباطًا دينيًا وخلافة الفضاء الحضري. يخلق هذا الارتباط سياسة مثيرة للجدل ومصالح النخبة الحضرية التي تلعب دورها خلال انتخابات رئيس المنطقة.Abstrak: Tulisan ini mengaitkan studi Islam, yakni Islamisme dengan studi Kristen, studi perkotaan secara integratif. Objek material tulisan adalah agama, gerakan sosial, politik, dan kota. Penelitian dilakukan sejak Juli 2012 hingga Juli 2018 dengan pendekatan kualitatif empirik dengan teknik wawancara mendalam dan penggunaan media sosial, digabung dengan studi literatur. Penulis berargumentasi, adalah kekeliruan mendasar jika para sarjana studi Islam terlalu meyakini bahwa gerakan-gerakan sosial Islam merupakan manifestasi Islamisme sebagai ideologi kaum Islamis seperti dipublikasikan selama ini. Dalam praksisnya, gerakan-gerakan sosial Islam, khususnya di masyarakat kota jauh lebih kompleks dari persoalan ideologis. Dari masyarakat Kota Salatiga sebagai lokasi dan subjek penelitian, ditemukan keterkaitan agama dengan kaliptalisasi ruang kota. Keterkaitan itu menimbulkan politik perselisihan dan kepentingan elite urban yang bermain dalamnya pada saat Pemilihan Kepala Daerah.

Organization ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 696-715
Author(s):  
Thomas Swann ◽  
Andrea Ghelfi

This article explores the presence of noise in processes of communication and organisation in social movements. While the concept of noise has always had a role in discussions of communication, it is in light of the influence and use of social media that it comes to the fore as crucial in terms of how we understand communication. Rather than being a factor that interferes with effective communication, we will argue that noise is in fact inseparable from the experience of receiving information and organising through social media. Furthermore, the emergence of different ‘nuances’ of noise tells us something about different dynamics of self-organisation via social media. This article analyses the online forms of organisation of the 15M movement and the experiences of Dutch radical left activists to inform a better appreciation of the radical potential of a certain variant of noise: pink noise.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Rose Emmaria Tarigan

Use of social media creates positive or negative impacts on adolescents. There are a number of factors enabling adolescents to make use of social media positively. One of the factors studied in this research is the adolescent worldview. The adolescent worldview greatly determines the way she behaves and her attitude towards social media. The result of this research shows that adolescent worldview may release and enables her to reject negative impacts of social media, particularly from modern cultural -isms as relativism, individualism, emotionalism, presentism (present-time ism), materialism, autonomy, victimism, and turn it into a positive impact on herself. Worldviews may be differentiated based on three categories namely religion, spirituality and secularity. This research is conducted by explorative-qualitative approach, using case study research method. Data collection was conducted by in-depth interview with late adolescents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 205630511989732
Author(s):  
Alireza Karduni ◽  
Eric Sauda

Black Lives Matter, like many modern movements in the age of information, makes significant use of social media as well as public space to demand justice. In this article, we study the protests in response to the shooting of Keith Lamont Scott by police in Charlotte, North Carolina, on September 2016. Our goal is to measure the significance of urban space within the virtual and physical network of protesters. Using a mixed-methods approach, we identify and study urban space and social media generated by these protests. We conducted interviews with protesters who were among the first to join the Keith Lamont Scott shooting demonstrations. From the interviews, we identify places that were significant in our interviewees’ narratives. Using a combination of natural language processing and social network analysis, we analyze social media data related to the Charlotte protests retrieved from Twitter. We found that social media, local community, and public space work together to organize and motivate protests and that public events such as protests cause a discernible increase in social media activity. Finally, we find that there are two distinct communities who engage social media in different ways; one group involved with social media, local community and urban space, and a second group connected almost exclusively through social media.


Author(s):  
Diego Oswaldo Camacho Vega

The main propose of this study has been to analyze how Twitter and Blogs became important media to follow Ayotzinapa terror event. This study is based on a descriptive analysis of Twitter and blogs over the Internet, which has been the principal media to cover Ayotzinapa case. For this propose has been necessary a documental analysis of Ayotzinapa case and the use of social media analytic platforms. First, Socialmention was necessary to identify the main keywords related to Ayotzinapa word. Second, Topsy social media analytic platform allowed analysis of trends over Twitter. Last, Meltwater Icerocket analytic platform was used to determine blogging trends over Internet. Keywords analyzed were: Ayotzinapa, Iguala, and Guerrero. Results suggested blogging as an important media for spreading the news event Ayotzinapa. Meanwhile, Twitter has been an important media for turning Ayotzinapa terror incident in a media event where people have joined in activism and protest movements worldwide.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisa Pieri

This paper looks at the emergent policing practices deployed in the immediate aftermath of the recent UK riots in Manchester in August 2011. The paper critically discusses the police’s own use of social media for identification and apprehension of suspects, and in proactive policing. It problematises the increased police reliance on a set of technologies, databases and networked analytics – from CCTV and forensic DNA technologies to Automatic Number Plate Recognition systems used to deploy real time urban exclusion zones. The paper highlights some of the key complexities and ambiguities generated by the integration of such technologies and practices, and reflects on the resulting embedding of specific constructions of suspicion and riskiness in the investigation and prevention of crime and disorder


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
Ujang Wardi ◽  
Elfia Elfia

This study explains how social movements are initiated by women's groups. The movement carried out penetrates various spaces in the social environment and even traditional institutions as groups that have authority. Through a descriptive approach and in-depth interview techniques, this study answers questions about how women's groups carry out social movements by constructing the issue of the non-transparent distribution of Covid-19 aid. Thus, the mobilizing structure, which is carried out systematically, attracts traditional institutions (ninik mamak) in the vortex of conflict. This study found that the sources of issues from social movements carried out by women's groups were (a) information from the deputy governor regarding the distribution of Covid-19 aid, (b) nepotism and collusion from the nagari government. Two framing issues (framing) are then packaged through social media to attract the power to carry out mass actions (demonstrations). This study concludes that the demonstration of women giving birth is a new policy related to the distribution of Covid-19 by the government.


Author(s):  
Enrico De Angelis ◽  
Yazan Badran

This chapter aims to re-examine the complex relationship between social media and contentious politics following the 2011 uprisings in Egypt and Syria. The chapter explores the contingent, differentiated, and contradictory roles social media played in each of these cases. The authors combine critical theoretical approaches to the internet and situated ethnographic accounts to make sense of this issue along the different phases of mobilization and its aftermath. They argue that the alternative hierarchies of power and visibility engendered by digital activism and facilitated by social media are an essential vehicle when it comes to establishing an effective connection between the street and the networked public sphere in the mobilization phase. In the post-mobilization phase, however, the logics of social media begin to hinder the ability of social movements to coalesce and transform the energy of the street into political decisions or leverage. Finally, they also argue that in the aftermath of mobilization these alternative online hierarchies of power and visibility tend to quickly lose their legitimizing function, which rested upon their, now severed, connection with the street.


Author(s):  
Monika Sri Yuliarti ◽  
Muhnizar Siagian ◽  
Andri Kusuma Wardaningtyas

In the dynamics of a state, any change can happen through a social movement as an initial stage.  Studies about it have been conducted since the 1940s. Nowadays, as the shift of the era involves communication technology, the model of the social movement has changed as well. Collectivity dominated the social movement in the past, but connectivity is more prominent nowadays as the network society era emerges. The purpose of this research is to explore the social movement in the network society era through an Instagram account, @ketimbang.ngemis.yogyakarta along with the message reception among the Instagram users. Using Stuart Hall’s theory of message reception, this study employed snowball as the technique sampling. After analyzing five posts on @ketimbang.ngemis.yogyakarta Instagram account and having an interview with eight informants, there were two conclusions. It is found that there is a shift in the model of social movement. In the past, social movements were dominated by demonstrations, in which a group of people gathered in a particular place, and relied on oratory skills. Meanwhile, at present, many social movements have made use of social media, one of which is Instagram. The photos in Instagram are used to show marginalized groups which can attract sympathy, empathy, and attention of social media users as an initial stage to the social movement. Moreover, the social media users tend to be a negotiated code type in the reception of social movement message.


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