scholarly journals The SFRY did not fall apart: It was intentionally broken up

Napredak ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Marko Atlagić ◽  
Aleksandar Martinović

In this paper we propose that in the 1990s the SFRY did not fall apart but was broken up because, in the opinion of the US, the reasons for its existence disappeared. The Americans believed that the SFRY was created as a barrier against Soviet expansion in the West. As the bipolar world dissolved and the era of globalization began, the need for the existence of the SFRY disappeared. This was the reason why the country needed to be broken up. The authors are of the opinion that the SFRY was broken up by the USA, Germany, the Vatican, other Western countries and the secessionist Yugoslav republics, Slovenia and Croatia. For this reason, these countries bear the historical responsibility for breaking up a sovereign state, in opposition to its constitution, the UN Charter and the Helsinki Accords.

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 507-518
Author(s):  
Michal Kolmaš

AbstractFor the last few decades, the discipline of international relations has been littered with anarchy. Since Waltz'sTheory of International Politics, it has been assumed that states are formally equal sovereign unitary actors operating in an anarchic world system and that their identities and interests are defined by the very existence of anarchy. This article shatters this conception. It offers a ‘hierarchical worldview’ in order to illustrate that the very concepts of state, sovereignty, and anarchy are discursive creations inherently tied to the practice of hierarchy. I use a case study of Japanese national identity to illustrate this practice. The narratives of Japan as an autonomous and sovereign state were inextricably linked to Japan's hierarchical relationship toward Asia and the West (pre-war) and the USA (post-war). Japan's sovereignty and autonomy were then formulated within the practice of hierarchy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Valdis Balcers

The research is dedicated to the problem of mutual dependence in space policies between the West, represented by great spacefaring actors the US and the EU, and Russia. In the study the correlation analysis, content analysis, and scenario-building methods were used. The conclusion of the analysis comprises consideration on the need to invest in their independence by Western countries in order to avoid unnecessary extra dependence on uncertain and unreliable regimes that supply substantial components for their space technology.


Author(s):  
A. A. Krivopalov

The crisis in the Ukraine not only has maximally escalated the relations among Russia, Europe and the USA but also brought Moscow to the brink of direct military conflict with Kiev. In the context of the civil war outbroken in the Ukraine an opportunity to confirm its demands in the sphere of foreign policy by open force is vital for Russia. However, the nature of two level Ukrainian conflict is such that a direct military confrontation is still possible either between Novorossiya and Ukraine or between Ukraine and Russia if the latter makes a decision to support Donbass at a critical moment. But a conflict is impossible between Russia and NATO because an outbreak of an open war will be prevented by the existing strategic nuclear balance. The presence of a nuclear factor makes military demonstration the most rigid form for confirmation of the demands in the sphere of foreign policy by the conflicting parties. Its most possible scenario is a frontal extension of the Russian ground forces deployed on the Ukrainian border to the west even to the Dnieper line and the border with the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic in the Black Sea region. The article sequentially discusses the he strengths and weaknesses of the group of Russian troops on the Ukrainian border, then - the opportunities of the USA and NATO to organize an air bridge to disrupt a possible a possible extension of the Russian troops to the west. The author makes a conclusion that the first units of the rapid deployment forces could arrive to the area near Kiev not earlier than 10-15 hours. Full deployment of the US expeditionary brigade may take from 14 to 18 days. Such a period seems to be excessive. Two-week cushion of time will allow the Russian military to perform all the tasks in the Levoberezhnaya (leftbank) Ukraine while the US troops at the best case will manage to protect the Ukrainian capital. In the nearest time, NATO will tackle obvious difficulties in all the issues related to the projection of force to the South East of the Ukraine. However, in the future in the course of the development of military infrastructure and accumulation of forces this advantage of Russia will be decreasing.


Author(s):  
Mykola Saychuk

The paper deals with one of the most significant issue of the Cold War, – the plan “Dropshot”. The article analyzes the content and history of the creation and adoption of the US national war plan “Dropshoot”, as well as how it was reflected in Soviet and contemporary Russian researches. It is determined that both in the USSR and in modern Russia, the same theses (developed in the works of several Soviet researchers) are applied to “Dropshot” plan. Obviously, this is done in the interests of propaganda and justification of specific political interests, that have not changed in Russia since the collapse of the USSR. One of the more fascinating aspects of the plan that its target was Soviet (Russian) society which are very sensible concerning “belligerent the USA and the West phobia”. The article is built on comparative analysis of the key documents which are reviewed and evaluated in the context of Russian and US approaches concerning the issue. It also explores the ways of fulfillment of the plan as they were imagined in the USSR. After a detailed comparison of these Russian theses with the contents of the “Dropshoot” plan and an analysis of the events, in the context of which the plan was elaborated, a conclusion is drawn about their inconsistency. Both in the USSR and in Russia, the data on the decision to create mass armies for rapid offensive operations in Europe, adopted in early January 1951 in Moscow with the direct involvement of Stalin, remain secret. Instead, the “Dropshot” plan planned military operations against the USSR and its allies after their conquest of continental Europe. We prove here that the plan was mostly defensive and its offensive features were invented by Soviet propaganda. The Pentagon did not possess enough nuclear bombs to make it a reality and such called “preventive war” against the USSR was not possible. The only Soviet strategists and Stalin personally had strategic views to expand Soviet influence in Europe by all means.


Humanities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Michael Amundsen

Jack Kerouac’s On the Road is among the seminal texts of the Beat Generation canon, and the author himself is renowned as a hero of American letters and freedom. Kerouac’s book is clearly one of the most inspirational of the last century and helped to spur the culture of mobility, spiritual yearning and adventure in the decades following its release not only in the USA but in many other parts of the world. A close reading of On the Road reveals other realities about the author, through his character Sal Paradise, and the America he discovers in his travels. This article looks at the files from Kerouac’s aborted stay in the US navy, letters, journal entries and the text of On the Road itself to demonstrate that the author’s Whitmanesque longings and ennui are very much rooted in a romantic vision challenged by the realities of mid-20th-century American life. However, Kerouac’s “ecotopia of the West” also suggests other ways of living which would influence America’s counterculture and environmental movements.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gino Casale ◽  
Robert J. Volpe ◽  
Brian Daniels ◽  
Thomas Hennemann ◽  
Amy M. Briesch ◽  
...  

Abstract. The current study examines the item and scalar equivalence of an abbreviated school-based universal screener that was cross-culturally translated and adapted from English into German. The instrument was designed to assess student behavior problems that impact classroom learning. Participants were 1,346 K-6 grade students from the US (n = 390, Mage = 9.23, 38.5% female) and Germany (n = 956, Mage = 8.04, 40.1% female). Measurement invariance was tested by multigroup confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) across students from the US and Germany. Results support full scalar invariance between students from the US and Germany (df = 266, χ2 = 790.141, Δχ2 = 6.9, p < .001, CFI = 0.976, ΔCFI = 0.000, RMSEA = 0.052, ΔRMSEA = −0.003) indicating that the factor structure, the factor loadings, and the item thresholds are comparable across samples. This finding implies that a full cross-cultural comparison including latent factor means and structural coefficients between the US and the German version of the abbreviated screener is possible. Therefore, the tool can be used in German schools as well as for cross-cultural research purposes between the US and Germany.


2015 ◽  
pp. 30-53
Author(s):  
V. Popov

This paper examines the trajectory of growth in the Global South. Before the 1500s all countries were roughly at the same level of development, but from the 1500s Western countries started to grow faster than the rest of the world and PPP GDP per capita by 1950 in the US, the richest Western nation, was nearly 5 times higher than the world average and 2 times higher than in Western Europe. Since 1950 this ratio stabilized - not only Western Europe and Japan improved their relative standing in per capita income versus the US, but also East Asia, South Asia and some developing countries in other regions started to bridge the gap with the West. After nearly half of the millennium of growing economic divergence, the world seems to have entered the era of convergence. The factors behind these trends are analyzed; implications for the future and possible scenarios are considered.


2014 ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Glazyev

This article examines fundamental questions of monetary policy in the context of challenges to the national security of Russia in connection with the imposition of economic sanctions by the US and the EU. It is proved that the policy of the Russian monetary authorities, particularly the Central Bank, artificially limiting the money supply in the domestic market and pandering to the export of capital, compounds the effects of economic sanctions and plunges the economy into depression. The article presents practical advice on the transition from external to domestic sources of long-term credit with the simultaneous adoption of measures to prevent capital flight.


2019 ◽  
pp. 71-77
Author(s):  
Vladimir V. Vorozhikhin ◽  
Eugenia L. Moreva ◽  
Vladimir G. Starovoytov ◽  
Igor G. Tyutyunnik

The purpose of this paper is an investigation of LEDs illumination experience at US-based aerodromes with an assessment of its feasibility and its necessity in Russia. The following methods were used: the analysis of aerodrome lighting requirements; the review and the analysis of development features in aerodrome LEDs illumination; the experience analysis of LEDs illumination of US-based aerodromes; the deductive analysis and the assessment synthesis of feasibility and necessity of US experience in LEDs illumination at Russian-based aerodromes. The following results were achieved: – The analysis of issues and opportunities was conducted for development of LEDs illumination at US-based aerodromes and of American experts’ recommendations for its use; – The cases were taken for use and assessment of development in LEDs illumination at US-based aerodromes; – The review and the analysis were conducted in relation to a developing market of LEDs illumination at Russian-based aerodromes. The main conclusion is that the US experience will improve quality and reliability of service provided in air transportation, comfort, and safety of Russian flights, as well as competitiveness of Russian- based airports and airlines (indirectly).


Author(s):  
Yuriy Makar

On December 22, 2017 the Ukrainian Diplomatic Service marked the 100thanniversary of its establishment and development. In dedication to such a momentous event, the Department of International Relations of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University has published a book of IR Dept’s ardent activity since its establishment. It includes information both in Ukrainian and English on the backbone of the collective and their versatile activities, achievements and prospects for the future. The author delves into retracing the course of the history of Ukrainian Diplomacy formation and development. The author highlights the roots of its formation, reconsidering a long way of its development that coincided with the formation of basic elements of Ukrainian statehood that came into existence as a result of the war of national liberation – the Ukrainian Central Rada (the Central Council of Ukraine). Later, the Ukrainian or so-called State the Hetmanate was under study. The Directorat (Directory) of Ukraine, being a provisional collegiate revolutionary state committee of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, was given a thorough study. Of particular interest for the research are diplomatic activities of the West Ukrainian People`s Republic. Noteworthy, the author emphasizes on the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic’s foreign policy, forced by the Bolshevist Russia. A further important implication is both the challenges of the Ukrainian statehood establishing and Ukraine’s functioning as a state, first and foremost, stemmed from the immaturity and conscience-unawareness of the Ukrainian society, that, ultimately, has led to the fact, that throughout the twentieth century Ukraine as a statehood, being incorporated into the Soviet Union, could hardly be recognized as a sovereign state. Our research suggests that since the beginning of the Ukrainian Diplomacy establishment and its further evolution, it used to be unprecedentedly fabricated and forged. On a wider level, the research is devoted to centennial fight of Ukraine against Russian violence and aggression since the WWI, when in 1917 the Russian Bolsheviks, headed by Lenin, started real Russian war against Ukraine. Apropos, in the about-a-year-negotiation run, Ukraine, eventually, failed to become sovereign. Remarkably, Ukraine finally gained its independence just in late twentieth century. Nowadays, Russia still regards Ukraine as a part of its own strategic orbit,waging out a carrot-and-stick battle. Keywords: The Ukrainian People’s Republic, the State of Ukraine, the Hetmanate, the Direcorat (Directory) of Ukraine, the West Ukrainian People`s Republic, the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, Ukraine, the Bolshevist Russia, the Russian Federation, Ukrainian diplomacy


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